Dominic Cummings — Inside the collapse of western government

0:52

Today I have the pleasure of speaking with  Dominic Cummings.

0:52

He was the chief advisor to Boris Johnson when he was Prime Minister and  before that, he masterminded the Brexit campaign.

1:04

Let's start with talking about your time in  Number 10 as a chief advisor.

1:04

What is the thing that most people don't understand about being  in that government and that famous ministry?

1:17

When you go through that door, you're  basically going into a rabbit warren of old townhouses that have been knocked  together behind the scenes.

1:22

It's nothing like any kind of modern office building.

1:27

It's a very, very odd physical environment.

1:34

And first of all I think you probably would  be struck by the constant string of chaos.

1:41

I don't think people really appreciate what  it's like being in a building like that.

1:50

For example, in one day on COVID, the day starts  off with: Are we going to have a lockdown?

1:50

It then proceeds to the Prime Minister's girlfriend  going crazy about the media.

2:00

It then involves Trump calling up saying, “We've got to go and  bomb all these people in Iraq.

2:06

” It then goes to the deep state coming in and saying, “We  don't think we should because it's probably going to bomb the wrong people.

2:16

” And then  other parts of the system come in and say, “No, we should bomb them because we've  got to stay friends with America.

2:19

” Then there's some other disaster on the news with  something flooding. And it's just constant.

2:30

Obviously, some days are more crazy than others,  but if you haven't been in that environment, it's extremely hard to appreciate that you  have these handful of people trying to come up with the answers to extremely hard problems.

2:45

The weight of the news flooding in on you just makes it intrinsically difficult.

2:55

Then on top  of that, you have these just incredibly old, centralized bureaucracies actually  trying to cope with all of this.

3:05

For example, when we arrived in Number  10, there wasn't even a file sharing system such that a three man setup could at  least write a press release on a Google Doc, for example.

3:17

The British Prime Minister  did not have access to such a system.

3:21

Was it because of security  concerns? What was the reason?

3:24

A combination of bureaucracy, security concerns  and arguments between.

3:24

The Google Docs thing is actually a sort of interesting thing.

3:30

So  we arrive in summer 2019 and there is no system for file sharing.

3:35

We say — This is  completely insane.

3:35

We are going to create a system for file sharing.

3:38

Months of wrangling  ensue.

3:38

Two different parts of the deep state basically argue about whether Teams or Google  Docs is more susceptible to China and Russia intercepting. No resolution.

3:51

This actually ends  up affecting COVID. We force a resolution.

3:51

We get GCHQ to build a system.

3:58

Still now, four years  after we started this discussion, the Cabinet office and Number 10 are still fighting about  Google Docs versus Teams, and have now recently resolved to hire some consultants for millions  of pounds to spend a year doing a study on it.

4:17

So one very small little thing in a way, but probably certainly anybody who's  been at a kind of high functioning company would just be completely stunned by  how the core of a G-7 state actually works.

4:33

Hopefully the consultants are  allowed to use Google Docs to decide whether you're allowed to use Google Docs. [Laughter] Quite.

4:38

You've written on your  [blog](https://dominiccummings. substack.

4:38

com/) “I had these priorities, these main things  I wanted to accomplish.

4:41

” But you have all these things that are coming up day to day.

4:46

Do these things feel like distractions from the thing you went into the government to  do?

4:50

Do they all feel important?

4:50

So you have this big picture idea and all these things  are coming up.

4:55

What does that feel like?

5:00

A fundamental problem with how the British  state works is this question of prioritization and the Prime Minister's time.

5:07

So you have  all of these normal parts of the system that essentially can't really do anything  quickly at all, even in a crisis.

5:13

So the Prime Minister's time and the Prime Minister's  prioritization is the most important asset.

5:18

But also it's something which is constantly pulled  hither and thither by all of this craziness.

5:26

One of the things that obviously we wanted  to do was fundamentally reorient Number 10, away from what it's been since Thatcher, which is  a kind of press entertainment service.

5:33

Where the whole building is just built to respond  to what the media says and instead say, “What do we actually think is important?

5:46

” And  what is the management system you're going to build that actually can maintain focus on those  things whilst the inevitable chaos goes on?

6:00

Most obviously, for example, some terrorist  incident happens in central London.

6:00

Prime Minister can't ignore that.

6:05

It's going to  involve the Prime Minister's time.

6:05

Politics, the news, the government means that there are  things like that happening all day, every day, So if you have the normal state of affairs, then  the Prime Minister is just pulled from one crisis like that after another.

6:23

Now, some of them are  justifiable.

6:23

You've got to deal with a terrorist crisis.

6:27

But in fact, what's happened over the last  20 years is that that's just been the model for how Prime Ministers spend practically all of their  time.

6:34

And there isn't a kind of background system with a set of people who are just plodding  on, going “Right.

6:39

The actually important things are science and technology agenda,  productivity reform, the Ministry of Defence, Procurement Reform, deep state this, etc.

6:51

”  So that's a fundamental structural issue.

6:58

We tried to deal with that in various ways,  but in January 2020, it was clear that this essential question was already a fundamental  disagreement between me and Boris.

7:06

So in the first week of January, Trump had just  whacked that Iranian guy.

7:13

I forgot his name, the head of the revolutionary whatever it  was, with the drone strike in Iraq.

7:19

So we're talking in that week about the future.

7:24

So what, three weeks after the election?

7:30

And he says, these various journalists are  complaining that you don't return their calls.

7:37

Now's the time for us to make friends with  all of these people after the chaos of 2019.

7:41

And I said, “No, I don't think that's right  at all. We've gone through hell.

7:41

We've won an 80 seat majority.

7:48

Now we have to change how this  building works and we have to focus on the actual big problems facing the country.

7:55

We've got to  get Number 10 and your time, the PM's time, away from how it's been managed for the last 20  years, which is media entertainment service.

8:02

” And his response was, “No, no, no,  no. That's crazy.

8:08

Everyone will go crazy with us if we do that.

8:13

We've  got to make friends with the media.

8:16

We drove them all mad last year.

8:16

Now  it's time for a great reconciliation.

8:16

” And I said, we could do that, but if we do that,  we'll just be the same as every other government for the last 20 years, which is chasing the  bullshit in the media all day.

8:26

And 4 years will pass and we won't actually have done anything.

8:33

And by then it'll be 14 years of Conservative government.

8:39

We've just won an election, partly  by running against the previous decade of the Conservative Party.

8:45

Can't pull that off again.

8:45

We're actually going to have to do a whole bunch of things.

8:48

And also, that's why the people are  here.

8:48

We actually want to solve these problems.

8:53

Those issues get to the heart of a lot of it.

8:53

You  have a management question about how you actually manage priorities in such an insane environment.

8:58

You have a personnel problem about a lack of talent.

9:03

But you also have this fundamental  question of, do the key politicians want to spend their time on the important problems, or  do they want to spend their time running around all day dealing with the media?

9:13

And the answer  is, almost all of them want to do the second.

9:18

There's a lot I want to ask about there.

9:18

It's  interesting because the way you're describing it, it sounds like it's a company with the  Prime Minister as a CEO who's dealing with all these operational things that come up,  but there is no CEO who has a long term plan.

9:31

I'm curious about the media stuff.

9:31

I want to  understand why it's the case that they're so obsessed with the media.

9:35

Does the media actually  matter that much to how people perceive the politicians?

9:40

How is the media interacting with the  things that are happening in the building so that people are constantly thinking of the media?

9:46

Why  is the media so ever present in people's minds?

9:54

Just go back to your first point about the  kind of CEO analogy.

9:54

Imagine if Steve Jobs or Tim Cook or Patrick Collison or someone  actually spent a large part of their day just doing photo ops as well.

10:04

That's actually  the reality about how a lot of these jobs have evolved.

10:11

So you have a person whose time  is the single most precious asset, who, because of the dysfunctional bureaucracy, his  decisions or her decisions, is the only thing that can actually break down the bureaucratic  resistance and make sure something happens.

10:22

Yet they're actually standing with the ambassador  from Tongazonga, whatever country, just doing photo ops for a large part of the day or going  to stupid ceremonies or whatever it might be.

10:42

So again, I think that analogy also shows some of  the central problems.

10:42

These people have all grown up in a system where they just don't know any  better than dealing with the media all day.

10:49

Now, if you actually understand communication,  you know that communication is not the same as answering questions to the media, but  that's not what they think, and it's not the environment in which they operate, and also  it's not the incentives in which they work.

11:13

Again, one of the funny conversations I had  with Boris was, you know, we should say to the ministers that here's your actual priorities  as defined by us.

11:17

Whether or not you get promoted and whether or not your career goes well is  going to be defined by how well your department actually fulfills these goals.

11:30

We don't care  about all of your interviews.

11:30

We don't care if you are on TV or never on TV.

11:38

That's not how  we're going to judge.

11:38

Because they've all grown up in a culture where they think whether or not  they're going to be promoted really depends on: Are they seen as a good media performer?

11:53

Or do they botch things on the media?

11:53

Well, that's just a fundamentally bad criteria, not  least because their definitions of what's good on the media are themselves terrible.

12:04

By approaching government like that, you're incentivizing them to think that  their goal is making friends with the media.

12:16

So then they get good interviews.

12:16

That also  incentivizes them to leak everything.

12:16

So again, the culture and the incentives are self  reinforcing in a very negative way.

12:27

Let’s say the Prime Minister was somebody who  agreed with you and said no more interviews.

12:34

Ministers, you're going to do your thing. Media is  out.

12:34

How would the media react? Would that matter?

12:41

We sort of did that in quarter one of  2020.

12:41

We actually stopped participating in the number one insider elite media  show on BBC Radio.

12:47

We just said, we think the show is rubbish and it's a waste of  everyone's time and no ministers are going to be going on it anymore.

12:57

The media went completely  crazy.

12:57

One of the most senior people in the BBC said to me that I was a fascist.

13:04

And a lot of  the MPs went crazy as well because for them, being on that show is their raison  d'etre.

13:09

So it was extremely unpleasant and disruptive for both the old media and  the MPs who've grown up in that culture.

13:22

How much does it have to do with the fact  that in the British political system, the people who are running these  departments have to be an MP, so they have to be an elected official?

13:29

Is that why they're so obsessed with the media?

13:33

Because it's like if a congressman  had to become the Secretary of State always.

13:39

That's part of it, though I  would pick up on your language, which I think is important.

13:43

Because you say the  people who are actually running the departments, of course they're not running the department.

13:47

They describe themselves as “I'm running the department”.

13:56

The media describes them  as they're running the department.

13:56

But how many people can the Secretary of  State for Defense fire? Three people.

14:08

He cannot fire the others?

14:10

He legally cannot fire  anybody else in the building. So who can he fire?

14:13

The personal three people that he  brings in that.

14:13

He can get rid of those three people.

14:18

The other hundreds  of thousands of people in the system, he can't get rid of a single one of them.

14:23

So the  person who actually is in charge of personnel at the Ministry of Defence is the Permanent  secretary.

14:28

Stressing the word permanent.

14:34

The only person in the British state who has  the legal and constitutional ability to say “This senior person in the Ministry of Defence  or the Department of Education is clearly failing and they must be removed, and I order that they  be removed” is the Prime Minister.

14:44

That itself is problematic because the large part system  will say, “Well, we can't just dismiss them, or if we do dismiss them, then there'll be  legal repercussions.

14:58

” But you can actually remove them from the post.

15:02

There are  complications, and those complications have grown in the last few years because of the  way that the legal system and various parts of the law have evolved.

15:11

But the PM can actually  remove someone. But only the PM can.

15:11

So that gives you an idea as well of the tremendous  bottlenecks that occur inside Number 10.

15:23

I'll tell you a story about it that kind of  summarizes it.

15:23

At the peak of COVID craziness in March 2020, on the day itself that the PM  tested positive for CoVID, a bunch of people come into Number 10 sit around the table and we have a  meeting and it's about supplies of PPE to the NHS.

15:47

They say, “None of this ppe that we've  ordered is going to be here until the summer.

15:47

” “But the peak demand is over  the next three to four weeks.

15:53

” “Sorry, Dominic, but it's not going to be here. ” “Why not?

15:59

” “Well, because that's how long  it takes to ship from China.

16:00

” “Why are you shipping from China?

16:03

” “Well, because that's what we  always do. We ship it from China.

16:04

” But A, we need it now and B, all of the  airlines are grounded.

16:08

No one's flying anything.

16:14

“So call up the airlines, tell them  that we're taking their planes, we're flying all the planes to  China, we're picking up all our shit, we're bringing it back here. Do that now. Do that today. Send the planes today. ” We did that.

16:26

But only the Prime Minister could  actually cut through all the bureaucracy and say, Ignore these EU rules on Blah.

16:33

Ignore treasury  guidance on Blah. Ignore this. Ignore that.

16:33

“I am personally saying do this and I will accept  full legal responsibility for everything.

16:38

” You multiply that kind of problem by  hundreds and thousands of problems, you get a sense of partly why COVID was so crazy.

16:49

This is normal government.

16:49

But in a crisis, when no part of the system can actually move fast,  all of these bottlenecks end up very dramatically escalating to the PM's office.

17:04

And if you read  Jared Kushner's book, [Memoir about the White House](https://www. amazon.

17:10

com/Breaking-History-White-House-Memoir/dp/0063221489), there are very, very similar tales there.

17:11

That a lot of things that obviously should have been solved elsewhere couldn't be  solved at any other part of the system.

17:20

They all end up cascading upwards  in these centralized bureaucracies, because ultimately only the president or only the  Prime Minister can give certain kinds of orders.

17:30

What if the Prime Minister said, I am giving  a blank check.

17:30

If I appoint you as minister, whatever you say, I'm going to sign it.

17:39

So you can  rule as if I agree on everything you said.

17:39

Could they write such a blank check and basically give  the minister whatever authority they might want? To some extent.

17:52

The system here, in a lots of  ways, the Prime Minister has more powers than the president does and is less legally constrained  than the president is, because in all kinds of gaps, in lacunae, in the system, there are kind of  ancient assumptions that the PM is operating with the authority of the Crown and royal prerogative.

18:12

So the PM could just do a whole bunch of things, particularly in a crisis, and doesn't have  to necessarily get approval from Parliament.

18:27

The most obvious example of what you're  talking about in COVID was on the vaccine task force.

18:31

I said, with others, in March  2020 that the normal system obviously can't deal with vaccines.

18:38

It can't do anything fast.

18:38

We're watching it deal with all of these other logistical problems.

18:42

We have to create a  completely different entity to deal with vaccines.

18:47

So we essentially appointed  someone and the Prime Minister said: Ignore all the EU procurement rules.

18:53

Ignore  all UK procurement rules. Ignore everything.

19:02

You just build the vaccine task force  the way that you want to.

19:02

We're freeing you from all the normal Whiteall, HR, all the  normal things which add massive friction and mean that nobody can do anything quickly and  the simplest things take months and months.

19:17

To a large extent, because of the scale of  the crisis that happened.

19:17

But the vaccine task force was still plagued by lots  of parts of Whitehall saying, “Well, we don't want you to do this. We don't like  this.

19:30

” So the reality is that it depends on the characters involved.

19:34

It depends on how much the  person the PM has empowered will actually push.

19:41

It depends on the extent to which they come to the  PM.

19:41

It depends on the extent to which the PM then shows everyone in the system that I'm actually  supporting them and also fundamentally is prepared to say that people will just be removed from  their post if they don't do what they're told.

19:59

Covid showed how much faster you can do things if  the PM's authority is used and you could prepare to drive things through the system.

20:06

And the  PM is prepared to say, “I will deal with legal issues later.

20:11

” But it also showed that even in  a crisis where literally thousands of people are dying day after day after day, that large  parts of the bureaucracy will still simply say “No.

20:23

We are optimizing for sticking to the old  rules.

20:23

” And that also happened an awful lot.

20:30

What I find interesting is you've written a lot  after you got out of the government about all these problems, but there's other people who have  been at a high level in governments in the UK, US, wherever.

20:42

And it's weird to me that if there's  this much dysfunction, are they not noticing it?

20:48

Are they just refusing to talk about it?

20:48

Have  they just never been in a functional environment, maybe in the private sector or something,  where they realize how dysfunctional this is?

20:56

Why is everybody not screaming about this  as soon as they get out of the government? It's a mix.

21:00

There's a lot of people inside  the system who don't actually think of it as being dysfunctional.

21:06

That's their life, it's  completely normal for them.

21:06

So we arrive at Number 10.

21:14

I've taken a bunch of people  who are actually experts in data science, AI and blah blah.

21:18

We talk to a bunch of  officials about projects around data, and officials say, “Oh yeah, well, here's  some examples of some interesting projects we've done. ” You ask them about it.

21:26

Turns  out that they took two and a half years.

21:31

You ask “Why did it take two and a half years?

21:31

” “Well, the actual project took like eight to  twelve weeks.

21:33

The rest of the two and a half years was the system emailing each other  about legal permissions on what to do.

21:37

” Now for the people that I brought in from  outside, this is obviously insane.

21:44

No one in any normal functioning environment would spend  two and a half years emailing each other to do a project taking eight weeks.

21:55

But you have to  realize that for everyone inside the system, this is completely standard.

21:58

And a lot of  the people who are most senior in the system have been in a thing like that for 30-40  years.

22:04

They don't know anything different.

22:09

And it just seems completely normal to  them that this is what would happen.

22:14

And in fact, In 2020, for example, when  we did some things very differently, it was extremely disruptive and extremely  unwelcome to the large part of the system.

22:25

Hence why a lot of what we did was closed down.

22:29

Did they say, “Okay, the vaccine task force  and operation warp speed and the state have been great successes.

22:34

We should massively  reinforce them.

22:34

We should build the next generation of vaccines.

22:38

We should spread the  lessons of how the task force operated. ”?

22:43

No, they basically closed the task force.

22:43

Sewage monitoring closed.

22:43

Rapid testing, basically closed and forgot to order  enough tests the following year.

22:54

So if you look back at 2020, most  of the people who were most wrong were given awards and honors by  the system and promoted to new jobs.

23:03

The people who were most obviously  repeatedly right have almost all left.

23:09

What incentive is there for people to speak  out about how these things work?

23:09

No one expects anything to change.

23:16

Even after something as big  as COVID, when you see what the reaction is, everyone can now see the truth.

23:25

You can have  a once century pandemic.

23:25

It can kill tens of thousands of people unnecessarily.

23:31

It can be a  complete carnage for the economy, and everyone will just basically go back to normal.

23:40

MPs  will ignore it and nothing much will change.

23:47

So if you're a standard official inside the  system, all the signals to you are very clear.

23:54

In fact, in 2021, it was even more powerful than  that.

23:54

There were a whole load of legal actions brought to say that the real problem with 2020  was that we went too fast and we did things too quickly.

24:06

People actually brought legal actions  against the vaccine task force.

24:06

They brought legal actions against rapid testing.

24:10

They brought  legal actions against all sorts of activities.

24:14

The system didn't say “This is  completely insane.

24:14

Actually, the bureaucracy and the sloth killed  thousands of voters.

24:19

” It said “Yes, we're going to investigate all of this.

24:25

”  Every signal propagated through the system was essentially back to normal.

24:30

You will be  promoted for being the most insane process, and you will be demoted and blacklisted if you  say this process is insane and try to do better.

24:47

There's two things I'm curious about here.

24:49

One, who exactly is the person  who decided that the vaccine task force has to go and we can't continue it.

24:57

And two, and this might be related.

24:57

What happens if a PM decides, I don't give a shit about these legal  challenges.

25:01

Pile them on if you want.

25:04

Is it just going to cost a lot in  lawyer fees? Why does it matter?

25:08

Manhattan Project is much in the  news with the Oppenheimer movie.

25:12

If you look at the very last bit of  [General Grove's book on Manhattan Project](https://www. amazon.

25:16

com/Now-Can-Be-Told-Manhattan/dp/0306801892),  he talks about what are the most fundamental principles about why it  succeeded?

25:18

And one of those principles is relevant to government.

25:22

Actually,  they're all relevant to government.

25:27

One of the principles is that the quality of  the people is fundamental.

25:27

Another one is that responsibility and authority are always delegated  together.

25:31

The entire British constitutional system and management structure is based on the  fundamentally opposite principle.

25:37

Responsibility and authority are not delegated together.

25:44

So if  you're asking about something like the vaccine task force, in the normal system, nobody really  is in charge of anything.

25:49

Lots of people can criticize, lots of people can complain, lots of  people can argue about things. Lots of people can veto.

26:01

Almost nobody ever has the authority  just to build something or just to do something.

26:08

Why did we create the vaccine  task force the way we did?

26:08

Well, because we were trying to actually embody  principles like responsibility and authority pulled together.

26:16

We brought one person in, we  said “You are responsible.

26:16

” But once we'd gone, then what happens to that entity?

26:24

It's sitting  there amid Whitehall while all the normal parts of Whitehall just start going back to being  normal. So what happens?

26:30

They say, well, they are exempt from all of these rules on HR  that the Cabinet Office imposes on every part of Government.

26:42

This should change because  it's going back to normal.

26:42

They have to do the following things properly.

26:47

We gave  them special dispensations because of the extraordinary circumstances of summer  2020, but these now come to an end.

26:57

So those sorts of things  come in.

26:57

The treasury says, “The spending rules and how the people  in the vaccine task force make decisions, that was an emergency thing.

27:05

Now the normal  rules apply again.

27:05

” So before you know it, all the different parts of the system have  basically said, the thing that you created outside of the normal system now has to obey all of the  things that it was specifically created to avoid.

27:23

Now, the system will just do that automatically unless there is a very powerful counterforce.

27:26

Fundamentally, again, only the PM can say,”No, we're not having that.

27:35

In fact, I want  to strengthen the vaccine task force.

27:39

We want to move on to the next generation  of vaccines. etc.

27:39

” If they don't do that, and if the people in charge of it can't call on  the PM's authority, the system will just devour the new entity very, very quickly and force  it to conform with all of the normal system.

27:57

I'll give you another example of this on rapid  testing.

27:57

One of the things that we did to get the rapid testing to work was we got a guy who  formerly was commanding officer of the SAS, British Special Forces, and this guy got a bunch  of his friends from Special Forces also to work on rapid testing.

28:19

When we first got this pushing  from Number 10, I got the critical people from procurement, commercial HR, etc, into the  Cabinet room with the Cabinet Secretary, the single most important official in the  whole country, and the two of us said, “The PM wants rapid testing dealt with  as if this is a wartime crisis.

28:40

” We're going to have a second wave.

28:46

There's going  to be thousands more people getting CoViD, there's NHS. People are dying, etc.

28:49

We can't have  any of the normal civil service HR.

28:49

We can't have any of the normal civil service bullshit  on procurement.

28:57

Exactly the same as with the vaccine task force.

29:00

Everyone sits around  the cabinet table, they all nod their heads.

29:05

A week later, I call this guy,  a former SAS boss and say, “So, how's it going?

29:10

Are you getting who you  want and is everything working great?

29:10

” He says, “No, it’s all the same shit show.

29:13

” So I have to get all the people back  in the same room with the country's most senior official and say, who the  fuck have we got to fire around here to make clear that these people doing testing  don't have to do all of your bullshit HR?

29:37

That's how extreme things have to be.

29:37

It was only  by doing that a second time and making clear that I would get the PM to actually just start firing  senior people in the Cabinet office.

29:44

It's only then that the system will kind of part and go,  “Okay, this element is allowed to.

29:49

” But you imagine as soon as that countervailing force  is removed, all the normal sea floods back.

30:02

At some point we should talk about what it  would actually take to change the equilibrium.

30:06

It might be first useful to talk about how did  this come to be?

30:06

So presumably, at some point, this is not the way the government functioned.

30:11

How did it end up like this?

30:11

Is it just that the cludge builds up?

30:15

Tell me about the actual  mechanism of how does it end up this way?

30:22

In Britain it started in the 1850s when people  said, well, the old aristocratic system based on patronage is irrational.

30:30

We've got a shift  towards a much more meritocratic system.

30:30

We should have officials that are appointed on merit.

30:40

You essentially had a transition from a pre-1850s aristocratic system based on patronage, where  there was all kinds of dodgy corruption in various ways, and favors done in various ways,  but it also moved much faster and in all sorts of ways much more efficiently, particularly in  a crisis.

31:02

From that, you shifted towards what you say is like a modern system where you have  permanent civil service, supposedly meritocratic.

31:14

However, over time, you see that this supposedly  meritocratic system ends up actually just being a closed caste.

31:20

It's not actually meritocratic.

31:20

It's a system that promotes practically 100% internally and is therefore, by definition, closed  to approximately 100% of the world's most talented people.

31:36

Now, that's defended on constitutional  grounds now, as: this is the only civilized, sensible way in which a state can operate.

31:42

But of course, it's totally self serving.

31:47

And as we saw in COVID, it actually just means  — massive bureaucracy, very poor people in all kinds of critical positions, and a state that's  actually paralyzed when it comes to the crunch.

31:58

It's like a Japanese company where you get in  after college and just stay until you die.

31:58

I live in San Francisco, and if somebody works  in a company for three years or five years, they're, “Oh, my gosh, you've been here for  a while.

32:08

You're like a long term employee.

32:08

” So the idea that you would be in the  same place for 40 years is really odd.

32:17

Sorry to interrupt, but imagine as well what the  promotion system is like and who ends up getting to the top of these systems.

32:22

A lot of people say,  “Oh, you're so negative about the civil service.

32:26

You're all saying that everyone there is rubbish,  and it's not fair. ” That's not my view.

32:26

In fact, if you look at the civil service, you  actually see a lot of very able people, but most of them are young.

32:34

What happens is  the young, excellent people get weeded out by self-selection, largely because they go in  idealistic, they're there for a few years, but then they look at what the process is to  be promoted, and they look at their bosses, and the best of them look at it and go, “I  don't want to be like that.

32:55

” I don't want to have to make those decisions.

32:59

I don't want  to have to make those compromises.

32:59

I don't want the job like that, where it's almost all  bullshit.

33:02

We can't actually build anything.

33:07

The most entrepreneurial, the kind of people  who actually want to get on and do stuff now, leave and the most HR compliant,  disastrous people to be in charge of supposedly fast moving agencies are  the ones who are promoted to take over.

33:24

And then that culture itself becomes highly  self reinforcing.

33:24

Once you get a whole cadre of leadership at the top that's like that,  it's extremely difficult to break out of.

33:35

It's not like “Well, okay. IBM has  gone wrong.

33:35

But you still have a whole ecosystem of competition  for IBM.

33:38

” Like sure, IBM dies, but the American economy evolves and  continues.

33:43

In government systems that obviously can't happen.

33:49

So you have — IBM is dead,  but it's still actually in charge of everything.

33:55

This reminds me of this wonderful biography  of LBJ that Robert Caro wrote.

33:55

[In volume three](https://www. amazon. com/dp/B000066IHH?

34:01

plink=RQHdp3VujoWLcHY1&pf_rd_r=XKAAA4PEMSS885MM122B&ref_=adblp13nvvxx_0_0_ti), which is about him taking over the Senate,  when he gets in the Senate the seniority system is known as a senility system because  you have these people who are in charge of these important committees and they're  80 years old or something and they're in charge of ways and means.

34:13

So when he becomes  a majority leader, he realizes that he can't have this if he wants to get things done.

34:17

He  realizes he needs the young senators in charge and so he engineers ways to get 40 year olds  or 50 year olds in charge of these committees.

34:26

Could a Prime Minister just retire a whole  bunch of people and say we're going to put 20 year olds on the path to management or  path to advancement. Who would that be up to?

34:43

In the British system only the PM can do that and  we actually started to do that in summer 2020.

34:50

After the first wave of COVID when the PM nearly  dies in March, April, for about eight weeks or so, he was highly aggressive in saying, “This  whole fucking disaster system has got to change. It nearly killed me.

35:04

It's killed tens  of thousands of other people.

35:04

We've got to blow the whole thing up and rebuild it.

35:10

” So in  summer, we actually got rid of roughly half a dozen of the senior permanent secretaries  in charge of a lot of these departments.

35:25

It was described by the insiders as a “rolling  coup”. Fascism.

35:25

The Vote Leave fascist entity is now essentially mounting a coup, Orban  style, to dismantle all democratic.

35:35

So that was the reaction of large parts of the old  system to saying half a dozen duffers are going to be removed and we're going to start  promoting some younger, more dynamic people and that's part of an overall shift that needs  to happen.

35:58

Clearly, a whole bunch of different parts of the system have failed.

36:05

Agencies need  to be shut, new things need to be created. So it is possible to do.

36:11

But the  tale of that also shows the problems, the reaction from the old system and the media  is very severe.

36:17

Nobody supported us at all, including all the Conservatives.

36:23

Ironically,  the people who were most in favor of it was actually the deep state itself and the  most entrepreneurial elements of the deep state because they'd all seen this system  completely implode.

36:33

So the closer you were to Number 10 and the closer you were to actual  power, the more you actually appreciated the full horror story of how the apex of the  British state had completely imploded.

36:50

A lot of them, particularly the younger  ones, said, well, now it's time you've had a once century pandemic, the biggest crisis the  state Britain has faced since Hitler in 1945, and you've got Brexit done and you've got the  Vote leave team in Number 10 who've said before they arrived here they're going to change civil  service.

37:05

Okay, well, now, obviously this is all going to happen. And it should happen.

37:08

Now we can argue about the details of it.

37:13

Clearly, the personnel system needs opening up.

37:13

The civil service is going to have to have the biggest shakeup that it's had in a century  or more.

37:17

Fundamental problem was that the PM then thought that this is going to annoy so many  people that I can't face it.

37:24

Also other dynamics, which I'm not sure how much you want to go  into, but the fact that Starmer is just so obviously rubbish also meant that Boris and his  wife thought, we don't actually have to do very much.

37:41

So it goes back to this question of are  you actually trying to change a lot or not?

37:48

Our response to summer 2020 was,  we've said for years that a whole bunch of things are wrong and that the  next big crisis will reveal it.

37:53

Well, we've had the next big crisis and it has revealed  it, and it's obvious that we're right.

37:57

Now, we've obviously got to make all of these changes.

38:01

And by the way, in the election six months ago, we also promised we were going to make all of  these changes.

38:05

Boris, Kerry and the majority of the Conservative Party's attitude was far more  “Keir Starmer's rubbish.

38:10

Changing anything big will just be very disruptive and create lots  of enemies.

38:16

Why are all of these people talking about disruption and firing people and rebuilding  things?

38:22

We just want to go back to normal. We hate COVID.

38:28

We don't want all these arguments about  Brexit.

38:28

We kind of want to go back to normal.

38:28

” And for them, what normal is, is like the 90s.

38:33

The  kind of default mode for how people in politics think about normality is, can we go back to that  lovely time between the fall of the wall in 1989 and the fall of the towers.

38:48

That period is what  people kind of psychologically gravitate back to.

38:56

So in summer 2020, our attitude was that the state  needs to be fundamentally reengineered but most of the systems’ was — We're tired.

39:04

We just want to go  back to normal.

39:04

We want to do what we always do, which is: chat with each other, give interviews  to the media, and not change much.

39:09

And given that Starmer is so obviously rubbish on the other side,  we don't actually have to change very much either.

39:23

On your blog, when you've written about all these  other reformers throughout history, they were able to make their changes in a time of crisis.

39:27

Lee  Kuan Yew after the British leaves or Bismarck after Prussia loses the Napoleonic wars, In this  case, you have COVID, you have Brexit, you have an 80 seat majority that you've engineered based on  campaigning on these things.

39:45

And you have you as chief advisor to the PM, somebody who understands  these things, has thought a lot about them and, in fact, accepted the job on the condition  that you would be able to do these things.

40:03

You have all these things come together.

40:03

Why  was the opportunity wasted?

40:03

You mentioned, for example, that Boris and Kerry were not  interested in changing these things.

40:09

Presumably they saw that the problem was there.

40:15

I mean, if  you're a PM you must see the craziness.

40:15

And also, wasn't he a fan of Churchill and he wanted  to build a legacy or something?

40:22

I would think if I was PM considering that  most PMs are going to be forgotten, you might as well just go forward and try to  do something big, and try to be remembered.

40:36

Why did they waste this opportunity?

40:36

You have  all these things that were going for you guys.

40:41

If something was going to happen, that seemed  like the perfect moment to make something happen.

40:45

Part of it goes back to what I said before, that  you have two fundamentally different attitudes towards the whole thing.

40:49

Boris was prepared to be  very aggressive and revolutionary in various ways in 2019, fundamentally because he thought it was  necessary for him to survive as Prime Minister, not for the country, which he didn't  and doesn't care about, but for himself.

41:11

In January 2020, we were already arguing about  what the fundamental direction is that we're going to go in.

41:16

As I said before, my view was:  We've won.

41:16

We won saying that we're going to do all these things.

41:21

We now have to actually do  all of these things.

41:21

all these things. We now have to actually do  all of these things. And in order to do all of these object level things, it requires  facing these multi-decade long term, some

41:34

of them over a century, in terms of how the actual  constitutional system works, how the civil service works and everything else, versus his view, which  is that it all just sounds like a lot of hard work and making a lot of enemies and it doesn't really  seem necessary because the Labour Party is a joke and I want to be friends with London. I want to be  friends with insiders. I want to have a nice time.

41:51

I want to be  friends with insiders.

41:51

I want to have a nice time.

41:59

The overwhelming majority of people in politics  fundamentally prioritize social relations within the insider network.

42:07

That is just what totally  dominates their life day in, day out, year in, year out.

42:15

Now in some ways it's very odd.

42:15

Because  what's the point of doing this for 30 years and then you kind of become a minister, but you're  not actually in charge of anything and you can't actually do anything and then you're spat out  and you're not even going to be even a footnote in history.

42:33

What on earth is the point of it?

42:33

It kind of seems completely crazy to me anyway.

42:38

I think that misunderstands how they see it.

42:38

For them, the theatre and appearing on TV is the critical part of it.

42:46

It's not — Have you actually  done anything?

42:46

And the permanent civil service are brilliant at manipulating the theater to keep the  egos of the MPs satisfied.

42:54

The most obvious way to think about it is the Cabinet.

43:04

You have the most  famous door in the world, Number 10.

43:04

Every week these characters walk up the street.

43:10

The cameras  are all there. The cameras work.

43:10

They click, they shout out questions.

43:16

The ministers smile  at the cameras and they think “We're part of the insider gap.

43:21

” This is the peak thing  that everyone aims at whilst behind the door.

43:30

The people actually running most of the  government regard the Cabinet as just kind of bullshit theater.

43:35

The meetings are literally  scripted.

43:35

People are given their talking points to read out by the officials.

43:41

They read them out,  they read those out and the conclusions are all pre-written.

43:46

So the whole thing is a complete  potemkin farce.

43:46

But from the MP's point of view, we're on TV, we're treated like we're  in charge.

43:54

The fact that the people actually running the Ministry of Defense  is not the Secretary of State.

43:57

The fact that these ministers have fundamentally  no power.

44:01

The fact that in Number 10, officials who are like 28 years old working  5 meters away from the PM have usually far more power and authority over things than the  ministers on TV do.

44:16

But their names are never in the papers.

44:22

No one knows who they are.

44:22

This weird  mismatch is never explored. It's never covered.

44:31

I had a funny conversation the other day.

44:31

I was talking to one of the editors of one of the biggest newspapers in the  country, and I said, “In the old days, there used to be a parliament page in newspapers  that would report what happens in Parliament.

44:40

” Because that's the center of political activity  and what happens in Parliament is important.

44:44

“Why don't you start a page where you actually  report on the deep state?

44:49

” and you say, “Oh, the Prime Minister's secretary for Economic  affairs has moved from this job to that job and it's now been replaced by a 31 year old.

45:02

” because  those jobs actually are far more important.

45:07

If you look at Brexit, the foreign secretary  was almost completely irrelevant to all of the Brexit negotiations.

45:12

The Prime Minister's  private secretary, a very able character, much more able than anyone in the current  cabinet, but was totally unknown in the media.

45:22

Name never in the media but far  more important.

45:22

So I said to this editor, “Why don't you have a page and  fix that?

45:27

” And he said, “Well, everyone would think I'd lost my mind if I did  that.

45:29

” It would antagonize everyone.

45:29

The MPs would go completely crazy because preserving this  fiction, the potemkin charade of the MPs trotting up Downing street and being filmed going into  the Cabinet which is taking decisions.

45:43

As long as the potemkin carries on.

45:49

Just don't  break the kayfabe, as they say in WWE.

45:54

It sounds like you have two  constitutional monarchies in Britain. In some ways, yes. Exactly.

46:01

You say that you have these undersecretaries, who are these 31 year olds or 28 year olds  and they're the ones in charge.

46:03

Doesn't this contradict the idea that you have  this gerontocracy of people who had to wait 40 years to get promoted to be in charge of  these departments, this permanent civil service?

46:19

So it's an oddity in the system and it's purely  around the PM.

46:19

The way the system works is in all the different departments, the gerontocracy  is in charge and you have this appalling HR system that filters out almost all of the best  people and promotes the most HR friendly types.

46:37

But the PM's office is, for historical  reasons, slightly odd.

46:37

In the PM's office, you have roughly a dozen or so traditionally  young, bright people who are put into that job to do specific things as part of training  them for the future.

46:50

It's just an oddity of how the system works that you have this one  set of people who are formally not senior, these people don't have very senior roles in the  hierarchy of the caste system, but they have a lot of kind of unofficial power and authority  because they are talking to the PM every day and they're part of the PM's private office.

47:18

So it's a weird way in which the system works.

47:24

By the way, do you want to mention the able  31-year old able person who helped with Brexit? Well, there's a few.

47:30

IThere's a guy called  Jono Evans who did Brexit negotiations.

47:30

There is a brilliant young woman called Hannah who  coordinated deep state stuff with Mi5 and things like that.

47:40

Whenever there's a terrorist attack, if  a plane is going to fly into parliament and try to kill everyone and it's got to be shot down, then  she's the cog in the wheel that actually organizes the system to get the right call.

47:51

So there's a  lot of people like that who are extremely capable.

47:58

The joke amongst the Vote Leave team  used to be that if you swapped the private secretaries for the Cabinet in  every single job, you would basically improve the caliber of the person by like 10X.

48:07

However, lots of those people have now left.

48:15

Because of self selection? Exactly.

48:19

It's interesting, as a foreigner,  when I think about the UK and I'm just learning the basics of what  the problems in the country are, the main thing is your productivity growth since  2005 has been abysmal.

48:26

You guys are much poorer than you guys could otherwise be.

48:31

This is the  main thing that jumps out in my mind.

48:31

Is there a team in Number 10?

48:37

Is it anybody's job who's  very senior to deal with this specific problem? Now, not really.

48:45

Remember, as I said before,  how small Number 10 is which in lots of ways is a good thing.

48:54

Everything to  do with economic policy growth, etc.

48:58

is all, like, 99% of everything  to do with all of that is elsewhere, mostly in the treasury, which is actually  anti-growth in most important ways.

49:10

Now, in 2020, we started a whole bunch of  things to actually make it a core part and shake up the way that the system worked.

49:15

We changed how the power relations between Number 10 and the treasury, also with the  Cabinet Office, and we actually created task forces to start working on lots of these most  critical problems.

49:27

So the science, technology, whether it's the startup ecosystem, procurement,  the planning system, which is one of the really big things that destroys so much value and  there's just such incredible low hanging fruit.

49:46

But basically, all of that was dismantled by  Boris in 2021 after we left, because, for the reasons I already said, he came to the conclusion  and most of the party agreed.

49:54

Remember in 2020, when it came out that we were working on all of  this stuff on growth and taxes and the planning system, The Daily Telegraph which is screaming  about growth today was totally hostile.

50:06

Most of the Tory MPs, totally hostile.

50:14

Most of  the Conservative Party were not agitating for an aggressive pro-growth agenda in  2020.

50:21

They were actually hostile to it.

50:27

Speaking of the treasury, you helped promote  Sunak to Chancellor of the Exchequer.

50:27

He was, from what I understand,  relatively unknown before that.

50:38

What did you notice about him  that made you decide to do that?

50:42

And maybe tell me more about why you  think the treasury is anti growth.

50:47

So Sunak, he's obviously much brighter than the  normal MP.

50:47

He'd actually worked in functional private sector organizations before coming  into government unlike most of the MPs.

50:56

He was extremely hardworking, unlike most MPs  and unlike most ministers.

51:03

He actually dug through the detail and wanted to understand it and  could understand it and did understand it.

51:09

And he seemed much more interested than the normal MP in  actually doing useful work, rather than running around the media and giving interviews and all the  normal bullshit that they're all obsessed with.

51:31

So, from our point of view, we had a chancellor  then at the time, who just couldn't do the job at all.

51:35

He couldn't manage the Department.

51:35

He didn't have the self confidence to grip the officials in the treasury, so it seemed just  like an obvious change.

51:40

Sunak didn't understand politics very well.

51:45

There were a lot of things  he didn't understand but from our point of view, that didn't really matter because we didn't  want him to do the politics side of it.

51:50

We wanted someone in there who also wanted to work  with Number 10, right?

51:56

Which is a critical thing.

52:05

One of the big structural problems in  how the British state has worked is that there's a kind of structural conflict between  Number 10 and Number 11, the treasury.

52:10

You normally have a Prime Minister in Number  10 that's always wanting to spend money, and then you have a Number 11, which says we've  got to control Number 10.

52:17

But Number 11 has, in lots of ways, much more power  over Whitehall than Number 10 does, because it legally signs off the cheques not  Number 10 and that has lots of weird consequences.

52:36

One of the most stupid things is that Number  11, the treasury, basically hides huge amounts of financial information from Number 10, which  is obviously completely insane.

52:41

How can you have a Prime Minister making judgments about all  sorts of things if his own treasury is hiding data? Insane.

52:49

Makes no sense whatsoever,  but it's completely normal in Britain. We said, “Fuck that.

52:54

We're going to have  one team between Number 10 and Number 11.

52:54

” The data will all be completely transparent.

52:58

So exactly what the spreadsheets are in the Chancellor's office are instantly completely  accessible and open to the Prime Minister's Office.

53:07

Not something you'd think that ought  to be very controversial.

53:07

But it was highly controversial and unprecedented.

53:12

And  it changed literally within like 3 hours of me leaving.

53:15

The Treasury  went and stopped it straight away.

53:18

So our thought was, if you're actually going  to get to grips with growth and productivity and all these things, you have to bring  the Number 10 and 11 systems together.

53:26

They have to have an integrated diagnosis of  what the problems are and an integrated plan for what they're going to do to change  it and then actually one team of people.

53:36

And then you stop Whitehall also picking  you off and using the normal divisions.

53:41

What do you think of Sunak now?

53:41

You noticed he was intelligent, hard working and paid attention to  details.

53:43

Is that enough to make a good PM?

53:48

He's trying to make the old system work and  he's treating the old system with respect.

53:55

It's political disintegration.

53:55

He doesn't control  the government.

53:55

He doesn't even control Number 10, the Cabinet Office.

54:01

He has no political story. He has no message. He has no grip.

54:01

And he's just buffeted hither and thither by events in the  same way that every PM has been since Thatcher.

54:17

He had a fundamental choice, “Am I going to  try and win?

54:17

” Which involves challenging the way that the conventional system works, the  conventional power system of Whitehall, and am I going to tell a story to the country which  is convincing, or am I going to do what all the insiders are telling me to do and keep them happy?

54:39

He chose to do B, with the inevitable consequence.

54:48

I'm more curious about the broader lessons  about personality that this reveals than him necessarily.

54:54

In the American context for example,  FDR clearly had control of the government, and as far as I understand, wasn't somebody who was known  for being intelligent or micromanaging details.

55:06

But he had Harry Hopkins to do that for him. Right.

55:08

So, what does that reveal  about who makes a good PM?

55:08

What are the characteristics needed for a  person who can control the government?

55:17

It's impossible to be a good PM if you accept  the way that the job currently works.

55:17

It's totally impossible because of what we've been  talking about.

55:23

You're just buffeted by media events all day, and you don't actually control  the government.

55:28

You can't actually make anything happen.

55:34

If you accept all the constraints  and you accept the way that Whitehall works, it's impossible for anybody. It doesn't  matter.

55:39

You could put General Groves into that job.

55:42

If he did it the way that  Sunak's doing it, General Groves would fail, too. You could put in FDR.

55:45

You could put in  Bismarck.

55:45

The reality is nobody who actually gets a lot of things done historically operates  the way that the current Prime Minister is forced to operate by the prevailing system.

55:59

They are fundamentally incompatible things.

56:09

This is the same government that has  nukes, that deals with biosecurity, counterterrorism, and all kinds of other  things that I'm sure I'm not even aware of.

56:17

If the general government is this dysfunctional, are the people who are in charge of the  nukes just as dysfunctional as those not having Google Docs and taking two years  of litigation to do a two week project?

56:33

It's worse in a lot of ways.

56:33

[I saw recently](https://newcriterion.

56:37

com/issues/2023/6/the-diversity-myth) that Peter Thiel said that we don't  see much about how the NSA works and his assumption is that in lots of ways,  the NSA is worse managed than the DMV.

56:56

There is, unfortunately, a lot of truth to  that.

56:56

But the position is mixed there in the same way it's mixed generally.

57:00

You can't  just say it's all a shit show and the people are all rubbish.

57:04

In the world of intelligence  services and special forces and things like that, there are obviously a lot of incredibly able  people and incredibly public spirited people, people who make huge sacrifices  believing in what they're doing.

57:24

But it's also simultaneously the case that a  lot of the very worst, most appalling aspects of the bureaucracy happen in that world.

57:30

And part of it, obviously, is that they can classify things and use classification  to hide extraordinary public disasters.

57:42

For example, the situation in terms of China's  infiltration of critical infrastructure and data systems in Britain is much, much worse than  practically all MPs have any comprehension of.

58:00

I've been in meetings where these things have  been discussed and the now PM, then Chancellor, have sat literally with their mouths wide agog at  the extraordinary tales that they've been told. “What the fuck? Are you kidding me?

58:19

” The number of MPs who know that is  probably like a handful at most, and it's almost all completely hidden.

58:30

Similarly, on the nuclear side, I spent a lot  of time in 2020 in bunkers without phones, talking to officials about the state of the  nuclear enterprise, weapons safety infrastructure.

58:46

And the truth is absolutely horrific there as  well.

58:46

And it's horrific because for year after year and administration after administration, they  haven't faced hard problems. They've punted off.

58:57

So you have a combination of things.

58:57

You  have normal catastrophic procurement, which just means it's totally normal  for everything to be fucked up.

59:02

Well, that also applies to the nuclear enterprise.

59:05

You  also then classify a lot of that so that it's hidden.

59:10

And that means it's even easier for things  to keep going for longer.

59:10

It also means that the budget problems are hidden.

59:16

A lot of what happens  in terms of the public discussion about M. O.

59:16

D budgets and the national accounts in general is  massively distorted by the fact that in reality, you have literally tens of billions of pounds  that are going to have to be spent on the nuclear weapons infrastructure that don't appear  in the official accounts at all.

59:37

Simultaneously, you have parts of that infrastructure that  just don't work properly.

59:47

Appalling safety that's been neglected for year after  year.

59:55

So that's cyber and nuclear.

1:00:02

Speaking of Bio, I organized a meeting  on biosecurity in summer 2020 as well, given that at the time there was COVID,  and we were thinking, “Is it a lab leak? Is it not?

1:00:14

What's the truth about all of  this?

1:00:14

” So we organized a meeting and asked various questions.

1:00:19

I didn't say that one of the  people that I actually took to the meeting was themselves a brilliant young scientist who'd  been working in the States in the [Janelia lab](https://www. janelia. org/) on neuroscience.

1:00:31

And so all these people inside the system said, “Don't worry about this, Dominic. This will  never happen. This is impossible. This is science fiction. This is ten years away. Blah, blah, blah.

1:00:40

” And everything was about trying to reassure me that I shouldn't really  worry about this.

1:00:45

At the end of the meeting, I asked, “So James, what do you think about  this?

1:00:49

” Of course, these people have no idea who he was.

1:00:54

And his answer was that pretty much  everything that everyone has said is impossible or will take ten years, I have personally done  in the lab in the last two or three years.

1:01:06

Now, does that mean that the whole system  for biosecurity is a disaster? No.

1:01:06

Does it mean that everyone involved in it is  a nightmare? No.

1:01:11

There are obviously brilliant people everywhere.

1:01:14

But across all of  these things, there are budget horrors.

1:01:14

There is a chronic inability to build long term.

1:01:24

There are constant bureaucratic incentives to not face reality and the truth.

1:01:33

And that's  the case across all of these secret systems.

1:01:42

Why hasn't there been a disaster?

1:01:42

In  many countries, the systems are as much of a shit show.

1:01:50

And I mean, this is  the West. Russia has nukes. Pakistan has nukes.

1:01:54

And you can only imagine how fucked  up their systems are. What has prevented it?

1:02:01

You could say that the system is so fucked up  that actually there was a lab leak and that was COVID.

1:02:04

And so maybe there already  has been a disaster.

1:02:04

But what is the explanation for why other parts of the system  haven't crumbled in a disastrous way yet?

1:02:13

If you look at just the public record on  nuclear stuff, then I think that the only reasonable conclusion is that we've got  extraordinarily lucky through the Cold War.

1:02:22

Whether it's the famous hydrogen bomb  falling out of the plane and all of the safety devices apart from one failing.

1:02:27

I mean, America nearly nuked itself, right?

1:02:30

It was just completely by the  grace of God that that didn't go off.

1:02:36

We've been very lucky so far, and there's  no reason to expect that luck to continue.

1:02:41

And if you look at what's happening  in Ukraine now, then you can see that large parts of the system are very happy  to dance right on the edge of the abyss.

1:02:51

Is there more you can say on the  Chinese infrastructure stuff?

1:02:51

I don't know if you can but I'm very curious.

1:02:56

If you imagine having a Sci-Fi novel and you  said, what are a whole set of data systems that you really would not want the British state or  the American state to be transferring data about?

1:03:10

And then imagine that it turned out that these  things are controlled by and owned by Chinese intelligence.

1:03:17

That gives you a kind of nightmare  picture. That is the reality.

1:03:17

I can't go into the specifics of it, because I think the specifics  of it are illegal to discuss.

1:03:28

But if you just wrote a story and imagined what are some of the  most obvious ways in which things can go wrong?

1:03:42

In fact, you probably wouldn't write such a  story because you'd think that's completely implausible.

1:03:45

There's no way that that  would happen.

1:03:45

There's no way that they would transfer data between A and B about  this information and then find out later that that is actually controlled by  China.

1:03:53

That would be fucking mental.

1:03:57

How about the intelligence agencies?

1:03:57

MI5, MI6, and then in America, the CIA.

1:04:02

How much situational awareness do they have  about the most important things?

1:04:02

Honestly, if I was like the PM, maybe in my daily briefing, the top thing I would want is the training  loss on the newest AI models or things like that.

1:04:15

But on the things that matter, how much  situational awareness do the intelligence?

1:04:19

That's an interesting example.

1:04:19

I think you have  to draw a huge contrast between two things, capabilities and analysis.

1:04:25

There are some  extraordinary capabilities that deep state has in the Western world.

1:04:31

If you want to dig  into people's phones, if you want to acquire secret information in various ways, then  there are some extraordinary capabilities which people have and can be aimed.

1:04:45

However, in  Britain, they are generally not aimed nearly as aggressively as they ought to be.

1:04:58

The process  for prioritization of things is extraordinarily awful.

1:05:07

Again, that’s another thing that if  you actually wrote it out, no MPs really know anything about it, but if you looked at the  system, people will just be completely appalled.

1:05:18

Also, parenthetically, a lot of that  kind of stuff has basically been shifted away from politicians over the last ten  years.

1:05:23

Nobody really has any visibility on large parts of that system at all now.

1:05:32

When I  dug into these things inside the Cabinet Office, I was essentially the only political person  in a long time who'd actually even been discussing it with parts of the system  so the officials themselves said to me.

1:05:45

Because it's been pulled into the Cabinet  Office away from the Ministry of Defence, away from the Foreign Office  and away from the Home Office, the three parts of the system that legally  in the past had a lot of oversight over what was happening.

1:05:58

Now a lot of it happens inside  the Cabinet Office where there's essentially zero political oversight of any kind.

1:06:02

To  a large extent, that's very bad.

1:06:02

It means that the bureaucracy metastasizes and a lot of  decisions are made without any real challenge. So that's bad.

1:06:14

But going back to the main  thing, amazing capabilities in various ways but badly focused, badly prioritized.

1:06:19

But also the quality of analysis is much, much worse.

1:06:26

In trying to analyze what people  might do, how they'll behave in a negotiation, will they start a war if they do?

1:06:35

Those sort  of questions.

1:06:35

A lot of the work there is poor.

1:06:45

Also I think it's crucial to bear in mind that  there just hasn't been a focus on AI.

1:06:45

You and I know lots of people who've been watching the  world of AI now since at least 2014-ish when Deepmind made a big splash, or the couple  of years before that.

1:07:02

But even in 2019-20, I went into Number 10 wearing an OpenAI  t-shirt on the first day to try and make a point to people that people should be  paying attention to this.

1:07:15

In 2019-20 that was seen as extremely eccentric,  never mind five years earlier.

1:07:26

And you're saying, well, if you  were president or Prime Minister, I'd be aiming these amazing capabilities and  saying, “I assume that GCHQ and the NSA know who is running the equivalent of OpenAI in  Beijing.

1:07:37

Who is running the black projects for Chinese intelligence on training runs?

1:07:42

Where  is the black project data center and who the fuck is running it? And where is it?

1:07:51

In which mountain  and how many spy satellites are looking at it?

1:07:51

” If the Prime Minister said, “I want  to know how many H100s NvIdia will ship out next year.

1:08:02

Go to TSMC, go to  Taiwan, go wherever.

1:08:02

Find out how many China is ordering.

1:08:06

What university or state  company in China is ordering and how much?

1:08:06

” Does the capability exist to get that information?

1:08:14

Or is it just like nobody cares about it?

1:08:19

The main problem is no one cares about it.

1:08:19

But if you turned MI6 and GCHQ onto a question like — What exactly is China doing with AI? Who  are the key people?

1:08:24

How can we honey trap them and blackmail them?

1:08:32

Then obviously you could get an  extraordinary amount of interesting information.

1:08:38

But A, the system won't do that by itself.

1:08:38

B, the  politicians won't tell them to do it because the politicians aren't really interested in it.

1:08:45

C,  there's an incredible kind of risk aversion now in large parts of these systems, particularly  after what happened with Iraq and then the legal investigations post Iraq and terrorism  and whatnot.

1:08:54

So there's a huge kind of self censoring in large parts of the system and much  less aggression than most people would assume. How about defense?

1:09:09

In Ukraine, we're seeing  very asymmetric returns on different kinds of new weapons where you have cheap drones that  are taking out expensive Russian tanks.

1:09:15

How competent is defense generally, and how much  are they adopting these new technologies?

1:09:25

Generally in Britain, it's completely  shocking.

1:09:25

Again, in 2019-20, we had arguments about this with Number  10 and the MoD.

1:09:28

Again, it goes back to this generational thing.

1:09:37

There's a lot of  younger people inside the MoD and obviously a lot of people in special forces who are  looking at the sharp end of this and saying: Obviously, drones are going to  completely change how land war operates.

1:09:51

Obviously, we should be pushing  this and exploring it ourselves.

1:09:55

Obviously, we should be thinking about  how to get large numbers of relatively cheap things leveraging commercial technology, and then think about how to add deep  state capabilities on top of that, etc.

1:10:07

But you also had a whole set of the senior people  thinking, as they always do, “Fuck this.

1:10:07

This sounds like it's going to cannibalize our budgets.

1:10:14

Oh, we've already got these drone programs.

1:10:14

” Yeah, but a lot of your drone programs are  complete dog shit.

1:10:20

The drones fall out of the sky and they don't work and they're massively  expensive and they should be closed down.

1:10:26

There's a drone now that Britain is trying  to deploy in Ukraine called Watchkeeper.

1:10:32

In private meetings in 2020, the MoD admitted  the whole program was a complete disaster.

1:10:32

They keep dropping out of the sky.

1:10:38

They're completely  shit, and the whole project should be closed down.

1:10:43

Of course, once we left and the system went  back to normal, then they didn't close it down, they haven't replaced it, they've just  thrown more money at it.

1:10:48

And lo and behold, the things fall out the sky and fuck up.

1:10:54

In 2019-20 a lot of these arguments were  quite theoretical.

1:10:54

There's some things happening on the fringes.

1:10:59

There's  the war in Armenia and whatnot, where you could kind of see some beginnings  of people experimenting with some of these things.

1:11:08

Literally, in 2019-20, people  were saying to me, “Well, Dominic, our future fighter in 2040 or 2045 is still  going to be manned, and there are all kinds of classified studies that show that drones are not  going to be able to do this, that and the other. ” “Really?

1:11:25

Well, let's open up these studies.

1:11:25

Let's see what OpenAI and DeepMind make of these so-called studies.

1:11:30

” Of course, it all turned  out to be total bullshit.

1:11:30

Britain is still going ahead with that, though.

1:11:35

And our current plan  is to build another fighter in the same way, optionally manned, with BAE. Completely  ludicrous.

1:11:39

So there's huge resistance inside the system to making that kind  of shift for all of the normal reasons.

1:11:51

The reason I'm especially curious about this  is we're seeing how this war in Ukraine is happening.

1:11:56

I'm very curious about what this  implies if there was a conflict in Taiwan.

1:12:02

How easily could you take out an American or  British aircraft carrier?

1:12:02

Having seen the insight of how these things work, how confident are you  in these war games and these projections?

1:12:06

If there was an actual conflict in which Britain had  to get involved, what do you think would happen?

1:12:15

Well, in war games, if they're  dealing with any kind of serious peer opponent the British aircraft carriers  immediately flee to the edge of the war game so that they don't get sunk immediately.

1:12:28

And  the aircraft carriers are obviously a joke.

1:12:32

I said that for the first time ten years ago.

1:12:32

Five years ago, I had a lot of meetings about it in Number 10.

1:12:38

Nothing persuaded me of  anything other than that the whole thing was a sort of massive waste of money.

1:12:44

And  that's just becoming more and more obvious.

1:12:49

All over these systems in the west, people  are now starting to face the music that a lot of these things that they've invested  billions in are just totally vulnerable to asymmetric technology and asymmetric costs,  where very cheap systems are going to be able to destroy platforms worth multiple  billions.

1:13:04

A lot of senior people who've talked a lot of shit about it obviously  can't admit any of these things publicly, but I think there is growing realization  behind the scenes of what the reality is.

1:13:24

But the situation in Ukraine should make us even  more pessimistic in various ways.

1:13:24

Because if you'd said in advance — Okay.

1:13:32

Putin's going to invade  Ukraine.

1:13:32

We are going to simultaneously encourage Ukraine to fight.

1:13:43

Arm them and push Ukraine into  a war of attrition.

1:13:43

Simultaneously we're going to ramp up, we're going to ditch One China policy  and aggressively ratchet up diplomacy against China on Taiwan and push the world's biggest  manufacturer into a closer relationship with Russia, whilst fighting a war of attrition  against Russia, and then we are not going to actually have a defense industrial plan and  a procurement change ourselves in Europe.

1:14:22

“Even for you, Dominic, that would be just  too ludicrous a scenario to happen.

1:14:22

Nobody in their right minds would actually  get themselves into that situation.

1:14:31

” But that's literally what we've done.

1:14:34

We've pushed  the world's biggest manufacturer into alliance with Russia.

1:14:39

We have escalated a war of attrition.

1:14:39

And we have left a completely rotten dysfunctional procurement and manufacturing system for defense  continue.

1:14:46

The same set of people in charge of the decisions in the MoD and the Pentagon.

1:14:54

Same  set of bullshit pushed out about the advantages of aircraft carriers and blah, blah, blah the  whole thing makes absolutely no sense at all What happens when we have to face  the music and when does that happen? I don't know.

1:15:10

Maybe there's a conflict and  many personnel on the aircraft carrier drown.

1:15:18

Or maybe not even with defense specifically.

1:15:18

Just in general, all these different parts of the government are not only dysfunctional  but are getting more and more dysfunctional.

1:15:25

Is it just going to be a slow  degradation or will there be another very clear inflection  point like you had with COVID?

1:15:34

My assumption is that there'll just be repeats  of the COVID experience and lots of them worse.

1:15:43

There’s roughly some kind of financial crisis  every decade or so.

1:15:43

Another financial crisis could easily be worse than the last one.

1:15:48

It  wouldn't surprise me if within the next two years there's a worse one than the 2008 crash. Perfectly plausible.

1:15:52

Lots of hedge fund people I talked to are kind of planning on that basis and  think that something like that is quite likely.

1:16:03

We're going to face the music shortly in Russia  because the Ukrainian offensive is not going to be the great success that we've all been told.

1:16:09

Remember last Christmas, 9 months ago, the British and American media were full of: Russia's about to  run out of ammunition.

1:16:15

The Ukrainians are going to launch a counter offensive.

1:16:20

They're going to sweep  all before them.

1:16:20

The idiot Russians are all going to collapse.

1:16:25

Well, Chickens are coming home to  roost on that now, that's going to get worse.

1:16:31

From China's point of view it's the most  perfect situation imaginable because they can charge Russia inflated prices to sell  them a bunch of stuff to blow up all of our shit turning Ukraine into rubble.

1:16:41

You  don’t have to be Sun Tzu to figure out that from China's point of view this is like an  absolute dream scenario and if America was insane enough to get into a war over Taiwan  then obviously a lot of this would be exposed.

1:17:01

There's a book by a guy who now  works at Anduril called [the Kill Chain](https://www. amazon.

1:17:06

com/Kill-Chain-Defending-America-High-Tech/dp/031653367X).

1:17:07

The truth is that a lot of classified Pentagon  stuff has said this.

1:17:07

A lot of people involved in the system know that if America has a war  over Taiwan then it's going to be catastrophic for America.

1:17:17

Leaving aside the obvious risks  of escalation to nuclear conflict like.

1:17:17

Just leaving that aside, just on a conventional  basis, it will be a catastrophe for America.

1:17:28

In a hundred years time, I guess  it'll be 2123, what about what the government does now will matter?

1:17:34

When  you read back in history about 1923, what has mattered most?

1:17:39

What  should be the big priorities?

1:17:42

If you run that experiment on ourselves and  you look back, what is it that we care most about now?

1:17:46

You care about people who come up  with new ideas, which is not something the governments do.

1:17:51

People are interested in what  Nietzsche said, but the details of what the British government did in the 1870s and 1880s is  almost totally forgotten and not really relevant.

1:18:04

The thing, I think, which people obviously pay  most attention to is what contributes to war and what contributes to revolution, collapse,  regime changes of various kinds?

1:18:09

And if you think about what decisions we make, if there's  anyone still around in 100 years to look at it, the big things that people will look at are things  related to that.

1:18:22

What were the big things they did that they didn't understand at the time,  but which clearly affected the next war, the next Revolution's collapse? Does the Euro  collapse?

1:18:36

Is there a revival of fascism and communism in various forms in Europe?

1:18:44

Is there  a war between America and China over Taiwan or something?

1:18:53

Those would be the big things.

1:18:53

And  if those don't happen, then we'll be largely forgotten.

1:18:56

How much do people pay attention  to the government in Britain in 1890-1895 now? Conflict matters a lot. Technology  matters.

1:19:03

And they matter in ways that are very contingent and hard  to predict and very nonlinear.

1:19:11

And ideas matter most of all.

1:19:11

But almost none  of that really comes from the government, right?

1:19:16

It comes, almost by definition,  from people who are fringe at the time. Why does democracy work? Or  does it work?

1:19:21

And why do some democracies work better than other democracies?

1:19:28

Britain's been a “democracy” for 80 to  100 years depending on how you define it.

1:19:36

There's been a particular kind of  regime in most of Europe post 1945 of a kind of pseudo American empire which has  entrenched a certain kind of democracy in various countries.

1:19:51

But that's a very,  very small change in the sweep of history.

1:19:57

It’s like asking questions about 250 BC  in 100 BC about the Roman Republic.

1:19:57

Well, the Roman Republic has lasted for a century so  far.

1:20:08

You certainly can't say now that democracy has proved to work.

1:20:17

I would say the one thing  you see in history is regimes are constantly changing and everyone thinks in their own time  that we're not going to change.

1:20:23

What we've got is going to persist. But it's always wrong.

1:20:30

The  most that things persist is a few generations, and then there's always chaos  and then there's always a change.

1:20:39

What is the next thing going to look like?

1:20:39

And  what should it look like?

1:20:39

And the reason I asked that question is, one of the justifications of  democracy is it’s nonviolent error correction and you can fix these mistakes.

1:20:50

But on this account  of what's going on in the government now, not only are errors not being fixed, they're accumulating  and constantly increasing.

1:20:57

So then is there a system in which these errors are constantly  pruned away?

1:21:02

What would that system look like?

1:21:08

If you looked at what's happened in the West  over the last few decades and you brought back some of the people from classical Athens, it  would seem quite familiar to them in certain ways.

1:21:19

Some of the Roman aristocrats would  say that democracy is having its predictable effects.

1:21:31

You have demagogues in charge.

1:21:31

You  have a constant demand for more handouts, which is gradually bankrupting the country.

1:21:36

You have moral and spiritual decay.

1:21:36

You have a kind of collapse of internal cohesion.

1:21:42

Pretty much what we'd expect historically.

1:21:50

I think the big inflection point was  the mid 19th century.

1:21:50

Before 1848, you had a bunch of conservatives like [Metternich](https://en. wikipedia.

1:22:01

org/wiki/Klemens_von_Metternich), who had watched the French Revolution, who  had watched the guillotine and the terror and bloodshed, and they said, we've got to  try and stop this.

1:22:09

And they were actually conservative and they really meant it and they  were really trying to turn the clock back.

1:22:20

After 1848, those people are kind of like  either fled, retired, feel themselves doomed, and the old aristocrats who call themselves  conservatives basically thought — well, how do we use democracy or universal male  suffrage anyway, to try and smash the liberals up, who were their real enemy at the time.

1:22:42

Which is  what Bismarck and Napoleon II both tried to do.

1:22:50

But if you went back and looked at those people,  brought those people back to life and got them looking at our current situation, I think they'd  look at the first half of the 20th century and say, yes, things proceeded pretty much as we said  they would.

1:23:00

You allowed Christianity to collapse, you allowed the Socialists and the  Democrats to win.

1:23:08

And unsurprisingly, you had the torture chambers of  the Gestapo, NSS, and the NKVD.

1:23:21

How does that chain necessarily  imply the catastrophes of …?

1:23:26

I think old school aristocrats would assume that  if you go down the path of democracy, then you will pretty rapidly end up with the Gestapo and  the NKVD.

1:23:30

And that is in fact what happened. But how come?

1:23:36

Why is that the implication  of the end state of democracy? That it'll implode?

1:23:39

I mean, look at what  happened in Athens.

1:23:39

They tried and it only really worked as long as you had the old  aristocracy managing it.

1:23:45

I'm not saying this is necessarily what I believe,  all I'm saying is that a reasonable perspective is that the old system worked  because the old aristocracy managed it. [Pericles](https://en. wikipedia.

1:23:55

org/wiki/Pericles)  being the obvious example from the old [Alcmaeonidae](https://en. wikipedia.

1:23:57

org/wiki/Alcmaeonidae)  family.

1:23:59

Once they lost their grip and demagogues like  Cleon took over, chaos, demagoguery and endless demands on the treasury, the people voting  handouts for themselves.

1:24:08

It collapses and the cycle repeats.

1:24:12

Similar sort of arguments  about the Roman Republic.

1:24:12

So I think they wouldn't be surprised at the collapse  post war, post 1918 in Western Europe.

1:24:25

Maybe an interesting question is then if you  look at Bismarck, [who you've done a huge dive on](https://dominiccummings.

1:24:30

com/tag/bismarck/),  in that case, you have a system where after him, the system he set up couldn't survive and yada,  yada, yada, World War I.

1:24:34

Whereas Lee Kuan Yew, another person you've studied deeply,  he had meticulously set up a system so that even after he gave up the leadership, it  would be a competent, successful government.

1:24:52

And I guess we'll see how it turns out.

1:24:52

But Singapore seems to be running fine.

1:25:04

They both are these strong figures  in the context of a democracy.

1:25:04

What is the correct model here?

1:25:09

And then how  does this solve the succession problem?

1:25:14

They are two very, extremely different examples.

1:25:14

With Bismarck, you have a system where there's universal male suffrage, but a kind of  gerrymandered constitution written by him personally on a little Baltic island, designed  essentially to make him the fulcrum of all of the power, but in a sort of lots of ways, hidden  away.

1:25:31

You certainly wouldn't call it a democracy in anything like the current situation.

1:25:36

All the  deep state stuff, to use the modern terminology, the army, the intelligence service and  everything were obviously completely excluded from that whole power structure and  completely in the grip of the Prussian king.

1:25:50

Lee Kuan Yew has created a system where I  think the most important thing he's created is a certain kind of culture amongst the leadership  in Singapore, a genuinely meritocratic culture, a culture where people are actually trying  to solve the problems.

1:26:04

Not like Washington or London now.

1:26:10

And where there's a kind  of moral reinforcement for that culture, without which, everything else doesn't  fly.

1:26:18

Therefore, it all becomes about: Generation by generation.

1:26:26

Is that moral  leadership?

1:26:26

Does that moral leadership maintain or does it dissolve?

1:26:31

Because it's  very easy for that sort of thing to go.

1:26:37

His son's in charge now and I haven't studied  it very much, but he seems to be preserving the fundamental culture.

1:26:43

The people running the  different agencies, their job is to actually run the agencies properly.

1:26:47

It doesn't seem to be  corrupted.

1:26:47

But it's very easy for that to change, right?

1:26:52

Say he gets shot tomorrow  or has a heart attack tomorrow, and someone else takes over very quickly.

1:26:56

The signals could go out that actually, your job is not to do pandemic preparation  properly.

1:27:01

Here's how people would be promoted from now on.

1:27:07

You'd always expect that as the  default.

1:27:07

Because that's just what entropy does.

1:27:12

It brings us back to what is a system  in which not only is a leader somebody who understands how to take control of  the government and does it effectively, but also reliably hands off power to people? There is no such system.

1:27:26

That's why history is  what it is.

1:27:26

The Roman Republic lasted for a few centuries much longer than America's lasted so  far, and many times longer than democracy in Western Europe so far has been operating.

1:27:37

But  everything has its time of growth and decay, and it depends on the culture of the  elites.

1:27:42

It depends on the ideas that they believe in. It depends on.

1:27:47

To  what extent are they public spirited?

1:27:55

When I was over in Silicon Valley, I quoted  to some of the guys there a famous letter that Cicero wrote where he said, everything basically  is going to the dogs, because the leading people in the Republic are spending all their time  in their wonderful houses, tending to their fish ponds.

1:28:11

And if this carries on, then the  Republic is clearly doomed. And he was right.

1:28:20

It's extremely hard to turn those things  around.

1:28:20

There's no reliable way to do it.

1:28:24

How do you turn around an elite culture?

1:28:24

What  tends to happen is it implodes slowly, then hits a crisis and is blown up, and then something  new comes along amid bloodshed and disaster.

1:28:39

How often do you see a kind of deliberate,  nonviolent, non-crisis led internal rejuvenation?

1:28:50

Will Durant [has this quote](https://www. google. com/search?

1:28:50

quote](https://www.google.com/search?q=Rome+fell+for+longer+than+most+empires+have+lasted+Will+Durant&sca_esv=581841001&sxsrf=AM9HkKn2G7fNrZcs46T1R0UtsD-5_FmeVw%3A1699859219362&ei=E8tRZffQFaXdseMP47meoAY&ved=0ahUKEwi3psCHtcCCAxWlbmwGHeOcB2QQ4dUDCBA&uact=5&oq=Rome+fell+for+longer+than+most+empires+have+lasted+Will+Durant&gs_lp=Egxnd3Mtd2l6LXNlcnAiPlJvbWUgZmVsbCBmb3IgbG9uZ2VyIHRoYW4gbW9zdCBlbXBpcmVzIGhhdmUgbGFzdGVkIFdpbGwgRHVyYW50SM4LUF9YhQtwAXgBkAEAmAHOAaAB2QyqAQYwLjEwLjG4AQPIAQD4AQHCAgoQABhHGNYEGLADwgIFECEYoAHCAgcQIRigARgK4gMEGAAgQYgGAZAGCA&sclient=gws-wiz-serp)

1:28:51

that Rome fell for longer  than most empires have lasted, but we have these crises constantly. One  could have imagined COVID could have caused

1:28:55

One  could have imagined COVID could have caused this.

1:29:00

I guess a rejuvenation will have  to happen with a different generation.

1:29:05

Since you've brought up Silicon Valley.

1:29:05

I do want to ask about something.

1:29:09

In 2021 [you had a blog post](https://dominiccummings. substack.

1:29:12

com/p/regime-change-2-a-plea-to-silicon)  about how in America, a Silicon Valley led or funded campaign in  2024 could have a big impact and get rid of the Trump v.

1:29:20

Biden version 2 disaster. What  happened?

1:29:20

It seems like you now more focus your efforts back to the UK.

1:29:27

What came of that attempt  to look into what you could make happen in the US?

1:29:33

To what extent are things just going to play out  the way that they normally do historically. i. e. Slow rot. Elite blindness. Sudden crisis. Collapse. Bloodshed. Chaos. That's normal.

1:29:44

That's the baseline expectation  for our own current situation.

1:29:49

To what extent can one try to preempt  that?

1:29:49

And the only way really to try and preempt it is that you have to change the  nature of the elites.

1:29:55

And the obvious elite in America to look at is the elite who are  most competent at building.

1:29:58

So my point was, if you leave the old system in Washington,  New York to itself, then it's going to produce Trump vs Biden 2 probably.

1:30:09

Obviously  people could have heart attacks or whatever, but left to its own devices, that's  where the system is heading towards.

1:30:19

The obvious set of people that could  put the country on a different track are the Silicon Valley builders. You should  try.

1:30:26

But that leads to a basic paradox, which is that the more and more mad the old  system of politics and the old media get, the stronger are the cultural, financial,  personal disincentives to competent people getting involved.

1:30:49

In fact, the opposite is  happening.

1:30:49

The madder the system gets, the more the competent people retreat to their fish  ponds.

1:30:54

They look up, they build walled gardens, and they cultivate their fish ponds, they try and  build their own companies where they can do things of value.

1:31:06

They spend their time on research,  they build hedge funds, they do things which are trying to insulate themselves and other  people that they care about from the chaos.

1:31:18

A lot of them said to me personally,  if I tried to do anything about it, then my investors would go mad, my employees would  go mad, my family would think I'd lost my mind.

1:31:32

I’d have demonstrators outside the house.

1:31:32

Who the  fuck needs that?

1:31:32

The current system is working as intended. It's closed.

1:31:37

The old parties and the old  media are driving themselves and everyone more and more mad.

1:31:45

But the people who could change it are  very highly disincentivized from getting involved.

1:31:52

Look at what's happened to Elon.

1:31:52

Elon,  generally regarded by the old system as a hero, even up to two or three years ago, as soon as  he says — Shouldn't we take the First Amendment seriously?

1:32:03

and by the way, this Ukrainian  war seems insane.

1:32:03

He’s called a supervillain.

1:32:13

I think a perfect way to understand the old  political system in America and Europe is that across the political world, academia,  in the media, you can see on Twitter, they're all very happy to give their personal  takes on Elon Musk as manager and his startup abilities.

1:32:33

And they take each other's take on  that more seriously than they take the historical evidence of Elon's abilities.

1:32:40

Now, for them,  they all think that they're all sensible and they're all rational.

1:32:48

For others of us looking  at it, we think that that's just a wonderful sign of the old system's complete madness and  inability to face the most obvious things.

1:32:56

Why do junior academics and political journalists, who  can't even cheat their own expenses competently, think that they're competent to make judgments  about Elon and his management of SpaceX?

1:33:11

It's completely crackers.

1:33:16

But they don't think it's  crackers.

1:33:16

They think it's perfectly reasonable.

1:33:21

Let's say if you did something in the UK,  US, wherever, and suppose it succeeds, and it's not somebody like Boris, where  it's somebody you have qualms about, but better you than somebody else.

1:33:30

Let's say it's a handpicked person, you think they’re super competent,  and you're now chief advisor again.

1:33:38

Winning the election sounds like the easy bit, given the challenges you've talked about  in terms of actually taking control of the government. What changes?

1:33:44

Because last  time, 80 seat majority, COVID crisis, huge mandate on both counts.

1:33:50

Yet still, things  couldn't happen.

1:33:50

Planning reform didn't happen.

1:33:58

What would actually take on the next  iteration for you to actually take control of the government?

1:34:03

If you have to do  a natural regime change, as you've called it?

1:34:09

Take me out of the equation.

1:34:09

Let's  think about the general thing.

1:34:15

Winning an election, in a lot of ways, is  the easy part because in a lot of ways, the madness of the old system actually makes it  easier and easier to win an election.

1:34:21

Because the more divorced from reality that the  old system gets, the simpler it is to win an election just by actually focusing on  the voters.

1:34:29

Which sounds completely crazy, but the old parties can't do that.

1:34:33

Why did we  win the referendum in 2016?

1:34:33

Because we focused on the voters, and the remain campaign  didn't.

1:34:38

Why did we manage to prevail in 2019 when everyone thought what we were doing was  completely mad?

1:34:42

Because we focused on the voters.

1:34:47

But remember, everyone thought  everything we did at every stage was completely mad and stupid and  wouldn't work.

1:34:50

When you do things that are actually focused on what voters  want, you seem insane to the old system.

1:35:00

Wouldn't you just expect some sort of basic  evolutionary or selection argument for winning elections.

1:35:05

Such that even if one politician just  actually strategically tries to win elections, wouldn't the system at least select for that?

1:35:12

Because that's presumably who's getting elected.

1:35:17

No, it doesn't select for that at all.

1:35:17

I  mean, the whole history of Britain since 2016 is a perfect example of it. We won  the campaign.

1:35:21

Did the establishment go, “Oh, how did we lose that?

1:35:29

We controlled the  question. We had all the money.

1:35:29

We controlled all these institutions.

1:35:34

We controlled  everything with power in the country.

1:35:39

And then this startup hobbled with all sorts  of problems, somehow won. Let's investigate. ” No, of course not.

1:35:46

They created  a whole conspiracy about Putin, Trump, Facebook, everything else as  an excuse not to face the reality.

1:35:53

Then in 2019, when we came along and  we just did very, very obvious things, actually focused on voters outside London, they just made all the same mistakes again  and blew themselves up again in 2019.

1:36:07

Look at the current situation now between Sunak  and Starmer.

1:36:07

And even Trump and Biden.

1:36:07

All of them, repeatedly, every day, do things that make  no sense.

1:36:14

If your assumption is that they're optimizing for winning the election, why would  Rishi Sunak say: judge me on whether or not I stop the boats?

1:36:26

Then when he's told your whole plan and  your legislation to stop the boats will not work and legally can't work because of the European  Convention’s Human rights.

1:36:33

He just ignores it and does it anyway.

1:36:37

It totally makes no sense if you  think they're optimizing for winning an election.

1:36:42

And if you spent three days doing market  research in America, you'd know that Donald Trump's message should be about the  economy and what he should be saying is, this is what I did on the economy last time.

1:36:51

This is what I'll do on the economy next time.

1:36:54

The reason why all these legal cases  are being brought against me is because people don't want me to do this with the  economy.

1:36:57

That's what his message should be.

1:37:02

What should his message definitely not  be?

1:37:02

Arguing about the 2020 election and who won. Yet what does he do?

1:37:05

Keeps arguing  about that.

1:37:05

All you have to do is most simple market research and you can say they are  objectively not doing what is rational if you assume that they are focused and  optimizing for winning an election.

1:37:28

Who would you say was the last US president  who was in charge of the government?

1:37:28

Who was the last UK Prime Minister who  was in charge of the government? Probably FDR, you'd say. Not even LBJ?

1:37:42

I don't know enough about LBJ to say.

1:37:42

I mean, my  impression is that for all his amazing skills, he didn't manage to grip the Pentagon  and the intelligence services and had all kinds of problems dealing with  them.

1:37:53

I mean, obviously, in some ways, LBJ clearly had an unprecedented grip, at least  since 1945, over parts of the system for sure.

1:38:06

But his was a legislative talent, not an  executive.

1:38:06

And then who in the UK would you say? I'd say Churchill.

1:38:12

Probably not even not Thatcher?

1:38:14

No, I mean, Thatcher just objectively very clearly  didn't if you look at just the memoirs of people that worked with her closely.

1:38:18

The single biggest  mistake Thatcher made was that she never actually got to grips with the permanent state, the  permanent civil service.

1:38:22

She talked about it a bit.

1:38:26

She did some kind of sporadic occasional  firings and a bit of purging here and there, but it was very less than half hearted,  ineffectual, and contributed to her downfall.

1:38:40

The problems you've highlighted have been since  World War II.

1:38:40

Everything from the media to the legal challenges to the civil service itself  pushing back.

1:38:43

We went through the entire list.

1:38:50

How is this actually going to work?

1:38:50

The  person is in charge. What happens next?

1:38:57

It can't be just one person.

1:38:57

There needs to be  some subset of the elite or part of the elite currently not really involved with politics,  that decides to get involved with politics, that actually decides that its fundamental goal  is to solve a set of problems.

1:39:10

Its fundamental goal is not maneuvering the social hierarchy  of existing political and media elites.

1:39:18

Like that's the fundamental question.

1:39:26

At the  moment, approximately everybody in the system is optimizing for their position in the  social hierarchy of insiders.

1:39:31

That means that no one wants to face reality.

1:39:38

No one wants  to tell uncomfortable truths.

1:39:38

By definition, you can't fix any of these agencies because  that means alienating people immediately.

1:39:50

All of that can only change if a set of people  say — “Here's how we define the problem and solving this is actually what we're here for,  not staying friends with the old elites.

1:39:57

” And that's why this thing very  rarely happens.

1:40:05

It's why it normally, historically, only happens after a disaster.

1:40:11

How big does that group need to be?

1:40:11

So it's  not just the PM.

1:40:11

Is it the entire cabinet?

1:40:11

Is it the undersecretaries?

1:40:16

How big does that  minimum group need to be to take charge?

1:40:21

Everything depends on particular  historical circumstances.

1:40:21

I mean, you could do it with a relatively small  number of people.

1:40:25

If you had the right PM, you could start off with ten people.

1:40:30

But it has  to be people that have a common set of what their goals are and who are very able and who are then  able to build a network beyond that.

1:40:38

No kind of coup or no kind of regime change ever happens  if the small group of people at the start stay small.

1:40:53

By definition, you have to convert people  forcibly or through persuasion or whatever.

1:41:00

What is a new equilibrium for  these existing institutions, whether it's the civil service or the  media?

1:41:04

Suppose you successfully reverse a lot of these trends and there's a bunch of  successes that ramp up.

1:41:09

Do they keep opposing you or do they support the new regime?

1:41:13

What is the new equilibrium for the blob?

1:41:19

Well, by definition, I think all  bureaucracies end up operating for themselves.

1:41:23

So you should assume that if you  do a kind of like a standard approach to this, and you say — We don't like the existing  bureaucracies, we're going to take over, we're going to scrap them and replace  them.

1:41:35

Then obviously within not very long, those things are going to operate pretty  similarly to what the old things did.

1:41:44

The only way, I think, that there's  any chance of long term changes, you have to build into the system institutions  and public acceptance and elite acceptance of a kind of constant reinvention and  rejuvenation and closing and refounding of things.

1:42:08

It's the only conceivable way  that over a time period like 100 years.

1:42:20

If you go back to your Singapore example, so  far it's been successful in preserving that culture.

1:42:27

It's like: here's what our real  goals are and the different elements of the government system have to change to meet  those goals.

1:42:32

And they constantly are adapting and we try and face our failures honestly.

1:42:37

[Like their report on what they got wrong on COVID](https://www. gov.

1:42:43

sg/article/covid-19-white-paper)  which is already published and actually accepting the errors and trying to fix  them.

1:42:47

Unlike Britain, where we're just paying lawyers hundreds of millions of  quid to spend years arguing about it.

1:42:57

The only way that you could even imagine  something happening long term is if you not just replace the existing elements with  new ones, but you also create institutional mechanisms whereby the elites and  the public accept these things need constant rejuvenation.

1:43:13

And that's a mix of  basically sunsetting, closing and rebuilding. Let's get more specific.

1:43:21

Let's talk about the  Ministry of Defense.

1:43:21

Would you just lay off a huge chunk of it?

1:43:25

And there's specific projects  you've talked about that you'd sunset.

1:43:25

But what would it look like to refound the Ministry of  Defense, for example, or any specific department?

1:43:37

So what you wouldn't do, and what's doomed  with that, same as with the Pentagon, is going into those buildings and saying,  “Right, let's sit down and talk about a reform program for your procurement  system.

1:43:46

” It's just never going to happen.

1:43:52

What you have to do is you have to  set up a parallel thing that says here is the new procurement system that's  going to deal with the following things, and then you have to close the existing  procurement system and get rid of 95% to 99% of the people involved with it.

1:44:05

It's the  only thing that has any chance of success.

1:44:14

What percentage of the people in the  current Ministry of Defense would keep their jobs?

1:44:17

How bigger of a change  would it require to have something?

1:44:22

On the order of like 90% or so. Wow. Okay.

1:44:24

But it obviously depends on department by  department and different units.

1:44:24

If you're looking at, say, across government, the place  where you could be and should be most aggressive is in everything to do with communications.

1:44:34

Everyone has massive communications teams.

1:44:39

Everything is worse as a consequence.

1:44:39

Lots  of those should be culled by like 95% to 99%.

1:44:46

I actually did this in the Department of  Education.

1:44:46

When we went into the Department of Education, the communications team was  over 250.

1:44:48

When we left, it was less than 50.

1:44:52

Everything had improved, and if it would have  been less than ten, it would have improved again.

1:44:58

Well, the examples you gave of people like Groves  and everything, this is a very particular time in history, wartime and also depression.

1:45:03

So  there's not many private sector alternatives.

1:45:09

How would you have a situation today where  you're able to compete for that talent, not just for these really ambitious  people in Number 10, but across the civil service?

1:45:19

The best and brightest  are going there.

1:45:19

And until that happens, is there a way to get the best possible work out  of the people who are in the civil service now, who are maybe not necessarily like the top of  the class, but certain things need to be done.

1:45:36

Very able people are extremely interested  in politics and extremely interested in government.

1:45:42

I don't think the problem is in  trying to make them interested in it.

1:45:42

The fundamental problem is that they don't want  to get involved because rightly they say, “I'll just be in endless stupid  meetings.

1:45:51

I can't actually do anything.

1:45:51

” If you asked them “Would you like to run MI6?

1:45:55

”  A lot of them would think that would be a great job.

1:46:00

Running Mi6 would be a great job and  more interesting even than my own extremely interesting job in Silicon Valley.

1:46:05

But would  I actually be running Mi Six or would I just be sitting in a whole load of stupid meetings?

1:46:12

And similarly, for whether it's health reform or anything else, could you get some of these  very able people to do it? Yes, you could.

1:46:21

And we saw in summer 2020, when the  whole system opened up amid the chaos, there was actually incredible interest from all  over of very able people wanting to come in and get involved to help, which I think is a sign  of what I'm talking about.

1:46:35

It’s not just hope, like, we could actually see it happening in 2020.

1:46:46

But what also happened in 2020 is another  sign.

1:46:46

Once the system started to close back in, in quarter 3, those people went back to their old  jobs.

1:46:51

If you're sitting on some very successful thing, making a lot of money in your walled garden  with your fish ponds, you'll drop it if you can actually have a real impact.

1:47:02

But if you can't have  a real impact, then you're not there to just send stupid emails for trying to get authorizations  for two years.

1:47:10

And that's the fundamental thing.

1:47:16

So in the UK you'll have labor for the  next four or five years.

1:47:16

So if you have a new startup party and let's say it  takes control after that, and you have another Brexit like political machine.

1:47:27

Is  that too late for some of the big crises you're worried about?

1:47:32

Whether there's going  to be a financial crisis.

1:47:32

Or one big thing that people who have been listening to  my podcast, [my previous guest Dario Amodei](https://www. dwarkeshpatel.

1:47:41

com/p/dario-amodei),  the CEO of Anthropic said that something that could emulate a human was two to three years.

1:47:48

So you have a government in five years that starts working on it in the correct way.

1:47:53

Is that  too long to solve the crises that are coming up? Could well be. Maybe.

1:47:58

As you see from the  news, there's all sorts of things that could happen.

1:48:03

I mean, the people in charge could easily  create a nuclear war in the next twelve months, right?

1:48:07

Their behavior almost only makes sense  if they actually wanted to do that.

1:48:07

[Laughter] Pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the  will.

1:48:13

My overall assumption is failure.

1:48:13

That the Western world will go the same way that  everyone else goes in history.

1:48:20

In failure, collapse, and bloodshed.

1:48:25

It's probably what  will happen, but still, you got to try.

1:48:30

What will you personally be doing in these four to five years before this thing can  ramp up?

1:48:32

More reading and thinking?

1:48:39

There are things in education I'm interested  in doing in terms of building things outside the government system that don't rely  on the government.

1:48:43

I'm thinking about the idea of creating a new political  party.

1:48:49

Someone I think is going to do it at some point.

1:48:55

My thought has been that  the normal path of history is collapse and then people create something new out of  that.

1:49:04

It's extremely hard to avert crises, but if we're going to, then there needs to be  some new political force here.

1:49:12

There needs to be a new political force in America that can  replace existing elites.

1:49:18

The fact that they're all getting so old and that they're so visibly  failing gives some hope that it could happen.

1:49:32

But it comes back to this Catch-22  problem.

1:49:32

The worse the system gets, the harder it's becoming to get able people  to get involved with politics, not easier.

1:49:43

And the whole idea of a new party and the whole  idea of doing politics differently, everything fundamentally rests on whether or not you can  get able people to step forward and do it.

1:49:52

And history suggests that's phenomenally hard, that  normally that only happens after the crisis comes.

1:50:06

Speaking of which, how would you get these  political talents to hop onto your party's label?

1:50:14

And it's sort of a Catch-22 because you  probably need voters to convince the political talent to join your party but you need  the political talent to track the voters. Exactly.

1:50:26

What is the trick to getting these  people to ditch the existing system?

1:50:31

Well, it's extremely hard in the first past the  post system.

1:50:31

When I did some research in America recently, I asked about the third party thing,  and you see this problem come straight through in focus groups.

1:50:41

People say straight away,  I hate both the old parties.

1:50:41

They're both obviously rotten.

1:50:46

They both obviously can't  do a good job.

1:50:46

We obviously need something new.

1:50:51

America's got so many wonderful people.

1:50:51

Why  the fuck have we got all of these ancient, old, useless people in charge of absolutely  everything? It's all a nightmare. “All right, okay.

1:51:00

So imagine  the following party comes along, and it's got the following people, and it  says the following things. What do you think? ” “Oh my God.

1:51:08

That would be so great, but  I'm not sure if I would vote for it. ” “Why not?

1:51:13

” “Well, because my vote might be wasted, and it might let the crazy  people from the other side in.

1:51:15

” So even if you imagine this wonderful new entity  run by the best and brightest in America with an agenda you actually agree with, even then you  might not vote for it because you fear that it might let you.

1:51:30

You see, there's a fundamental  structural problem with the first past the post system.

1:51:35

Now, I'm in favor of first past the post  system.

1:51:35

I'm not suggesting getting rid of it, but it does make it structurally very  hard to replace one of the old entities.

1:51:45

I mean, it's why the whole Brexit thing was  such an incredible missed opportunity. Winning the referendum.

1:51:53

The chaos that that created.

1:51:53

The collapse of both the old parties in 2019.

1:52:00

One of the parties coming to us, begging for us  to save them. Us going into Number 10. Having the majority.

1:52:06

We kind of maneuvered the system  into such a place that we could actually then transform one of the old parties into the new  thing that we wanted to build.

1:52:12

That's very hard, but it's easier than creating something new and  then taking over in a first past the post system. On Brexit.

1:52:24

If it's possible to build a  new political machine that's relatively cheap to do and is much more effective than the  current political parties at winning elections, what is it that you would do?

1:52:35

Whether it's political modeling, whether it's the use of new  technologies, or I don't know, testing things out with social media.

1:52:50

What  are the tricks that you would use to win?

1:52:57

Obviously all the AI stuff means that there's huge  opportunities there.

1:52:57

But I would stress Colonel Boyd: People, ideas, machines, in that order.

1:53:03

Why  was it that we built tools to help win an election that no one else built?

1:53:10

The primary question  is that we really wanted to win, and we really were focused on the voters, and that's why  we actually built tools.

1:53:16

The old parties aren't focused on the voters and aren't really  interested in what they've got to say.

1:53:21

Therefore, that's just not what they are thinking about every  day.

1:53:27

So I don't think the most important question is the technical side.

1:53:32

I think it's — can you  create something with very able people with Jeff Bezos like obsession on the customer, that really,  really wants to obsess on the voter.

1:53:38

If you can build that culture, then that culture will then  build the technology and will exploit the tools 100 times better than the old parties will.

1:53:55

But  it's that that comes first, not the technology. With Brexit.

1:54:01

Afterwards on your blog,  you're writing about why you did Brexit and how the government is dysfunctional  in these ways and it's similar to the things we're talking about.

1:54:06

We've got these  crises that can happen in minutes.

1:54:11

How similar, in retrospect, do you think  that is to the message that Vote Leave, the organization you chaired, advertises the  reason for Brexit?

1:54:15

One way you could say is like, “Oh, it's customer obsession.

1:54:20

What  is the customer here interested in?

1:54:20

” Is it important for the two to be  the same?

1:54:24

The reason you wanted to do Brexit versus the reason that you  might advertise Brexit should be done.

1:54:31

Any kind of mass communication always involves  huge simplification and huge focus.

1:54:31

It's just an unavoidable aspect of things.

1:54:38

Forget  me and Brexit, anybody doing politics, has to deal with it.

1:54:44

Same with Bezos and  Amazon.

1:54:44

Yeah, it's customer obsessed but there's also a whole bunch of stuff that  he's not talking to the customers about.

1:54:54

So I think that's just intrinsic to politics.

1:54:54

The vast majority of what you're thinking about, what you're talking about are not going  to be the focus of public communications.

1:55:04

How do you think about the bargain with  voters?

1:55:04

Is it like I have these long term priorities and the voters want this  thing, which I don't really care about, but it's almost like a trade where — Help  me achieve these long term priorities or give me the power to achieve these long  term priorities and these other sort of, like, smaller things, which I don't think are the  most important thing, will also accomplish those.

1:55:25

Is that the way you think about it?

1:55:27

To some extent, that's always what politics  is.

1:55:27

Because as I said before, you could only ever talk about a relatively small fraction of  all the things that you think are important.

1:55:40

Take civil service reform.

1:55:40

Civil service reform  isn't even a subject of interest to the insiders who have to live with it all day.

1:55:47

I actually have  more conversations with people outside politics about that than I do inside politics.

1:55:53

Seems  very weird but the people inside the system just so completely accept the existing system  that they don't even really talk about that.

1:56:05

So is a new party going to spend a huge  amount of time discussing the intricacies of HR for how some kind of new civil service  should work?

1:56:09

How to create red teams inside Whitehall?

1:56:15

How to create a startup for a  drone army to replace parts of the MoD?

1:56:15

No, because most people are not interested in all of  that.

1:56:21

But neither are the insiders. Neither are the people.

1:56:26

The thousand most powerful people  in the country don’t think about that at all.

1:56:31

While we're talking about talent,  [you obviously put out that famous post](https://dominiccummings.

1:56:35

com/2020/01/02/two-hands-are-a-lot-were-hiring-data-scientists-project-managers-policy-experts-assorted-weirdos/) saying we want weirdos and  misfits to come into government.

1:56:38

There's lots of weirdos and misfits out there.

1:56:40

What is a specific kind that is  really effective in government?

1:56:44

There are lots of different kinds and  It depends very much on what you're doing.

1:56:47

Some of the people we brought  in were very technical.

1:56:47

For example, something that you're interested  in in the whole AI world, there were some very technical AI people.

1:56:53

It  massively depends on the particular roles.

1:57:00

There's another set of talent which  is rare inside the government, which is just a kind of entrepreneurial project  management type E, actually getting things done character.

1:57:11

No surprise that we ended up in a  crisis having to use British special forces for a lot of those kinds of things because  they're pretty much one of the few elements of the British state that is still extremely  able and has that kind of operational, punchy, can get things done fast vibe.

1:57:30

So it's just highly dependent.

1:57:35

Is a war over Taiwan with China worth it  for the US and the UK and the West together? Obviously not.

1:57:40

It's a completely insane  idea.

1:57:40

It's an island that you can see from the Chinese coast.

1:57:43

It's full of Chinese  people.

1:57:43

The people in the army are cousins of the people in the opposite army.

1:57:49

For decades,  one China policy was accepted by Democrats, Republicans across the Western  world.

1:57:57

It's going to be unified, but it should be done peacefully, not  violently.

1:58:00

That was the right approach.

1:58:04

It's completely crazy for us to be  ditching that approach and to be willfully antagonizing China over a place  filled with Chinese. It's fucking stupid.

1:58:18

But it has worked in the past where  the Soviets had the huge Red army in Europe and with nuclear deterrence, we  were able to keep them from conquering the rest of Europe.

1:58:28

Why not just  have this sort of thing again?

1:58:32

Us threatening the Soviets to say you shouldn't  invade Germany and France and Britain is a parallel to say that Taiwan shouldn't be  part of China?

1:58:38

That's a really bad analogy.

1:58:43

What's wrong with a strategic ambiguity where  we haven't committed to defending Taiwan, but just making China think  twice about invading Taiwan?

1:58:52

Britain gave strategic ambiguity  a great run out in summer 1914. How did that work out?

1:58:56

So you want  to repeat that with nuclear weapons where the crisis can kill a 1000 times  more people and happen a hundred times faster than what happened in summer 1914  over an island filled with Chinese people.

1:59:19

Also, it's just not credible, right?

1:59:19

Do you  think the Chinese are sitting there thinking, “Okay, we know that Taiwan is  completely existential for us, and America also thinks  it's existential for them? ” No, of course not.

1:59:32

Of course that's not  what they're thinking, because it isn't.

1:59:37

So you can't go around threatening nuclear  war over something where it's not actually a credible threat.

1:59:44

Where people think either it's  complete bullshit or they are actually insane.

1:59:51

But that is the entire strategy behind  mutually assured destruction as well, right? And that worked.

1:59:54

To actually  retaliate is kind of insane.

1:59:59

But there it was credible for America.

1:59:59

There the argument for America was: we are defending the Western world. We have  NATO.

2:00:04

There is a NATO agreement on mutual self defense.

2:00:12

And if you breach that and you attack  one of us, then it means war against everyone.

2:00:18

That was a lot more credible than there's a little  island off the Chinese coast.

2:00:18

It's got nothing to do with us historically at all.

2:00:28

It's full of  Chinese people.

2:00:28

But we're going to threaten potential nuclear war over it.

2:00:33

It's totally  non-credible.

2:00:33

And doing it makes you sound mad.

2:00:39

I was talking to a friend about this, and he  was defending extending the nuclear umbrella to Taiwan.

2:00:42

And even if it works, it's  kind of like having a girlfriend who says, if we break up, I'm going to burn down  your house.

2:00:47

So we better not break up.

2:00:50

Or I'm going to kill myself.

2:00:50

Maybe you  decide that day to do what she wants, but you're also thinking she's  mad and this is not sustainable.

2:01:00

Yeah, and not responsible.

2:01:01

You spent time in Russia when  you were a younger man.

2:01:01

You were trying to start an airline there, right? Yeah.

2:01:08

What did you learn about Russia, and do you  think the regime there is stable in the long run?

2:01:12

I learned a lot of things doing it.

2:01:12

I  learned that Russia is a mafia state.

2:01:16

I learned that London was treated back in the  mid 90s, as the Moscow taxi drivers called it, the laundry for the mafia estate.

2:01:24

That is  something which people here have not wanted to face because there's a lot of money  to be made out of the whole enterprise, even in 2021.

2:01:37

When I said that it's just crazy  that we're still doing this.

2:01:37

There was a lot of pushback.

2:01:43

Literally months before the Ukraine  war started, it was completely normal in London to defend the way in which we've handled  the whole thing for the last 20 years.

2:01:53

I also learned about incentives a lot.

2:01:53

So  everything I had to do with the airline was a total fiasco.

2:01:59

And one of the things I figured  I learned was — I, like many naive Westerners, got involved with it, thinking, well, the people  obviously want to make the airline work, right?

2:02:14

That's the whole point of having an airline.

2:02:14

It's a successful airline. Wrong.

2:02:14

Actually, what most Russians wanted to do was steal  from the airline and move the money offshore.

2:02:28

And I never realized that.

2:02:28

And a lot of the  people involved with it didn't realize that.

2:02:37

Russia was full of Harvard MBA types flying in  from JFK and arriving in Russia thinking that it was some kind of vaguely normal country.

2:02:45

And they,  like me, learned the hard way that it is not.

2:02:53

That lesson with incentives, for example, is isomorphic to other institutions you've  seen, or was that specific to Russia?

2:03:02

Everything is crazier and more insane in  Russia, but I think it definitely helped me deal with other failures.

2:03:06

You always learn  a lot, I think, from total failures and having to confront the fact that you just totally  misunderstood what on earth you were getting into.

2:03:18

And I completely misunderstood what  I was getting into there on every level.

2:03:24

So I think it was very useful for me,  actually.

2:03:24

When I came back to Britain and then got involved with politics, I was  much more careful about trying not to fool myself and trying to figure out what's real  and question my own assumptions about things.

2:03:43

Speaking of which, a character you've highlighted  who exemplifies that sort of epistemic humility is Bismarck.

2:03:48

You've done a deep dive on him so  I just want to ask you a bunch of questions, not only about him, but maybe just  a study of history in general.

2:03:56

First of all, where in the world do you  think a Lee Kuan Yew or Bismarck type figure is most likely to emerge as the leader  of that country?

2:04:00

Where is it most likely today?

2:04:05

I can imagine someone like that emerging  in China or Russia.

2:04:05

It's much harder to imagine someone like that emerging in  Britain or America or the Western world. How come?

2:04:22

They'd be crushed by the system.

2:04:22

You could imagine  in China, some Machiavellian character coming through.

2:04:28

You could say the CCP has done that to  some extent.

2:04:28

A Machiavellian character comes and exploits the system in a kind of somewhat mafia  way, manages to take over, and then Stalin style starts purging people and manipulating the whole  thing so that they acquire more and more power.

2:04:53

The good thing about the British and American  system is that it's proved quite resistant to that sort of thing.

2:05:00

But that hits upon a fundamental  paradox.

2:05:00

That our systems have been good at preventing the kind of catastrophe of Stalin-type  person taking over but the very characteristics that make it very hard for a Stalin to take over  also make it chronically incompetent as well.

2:05:21

Yeah, or hard for a good  statesman to take over as well.

2:05:27

You are somebody who has actually lived  through and participated at a high level in a hinge point in history, with masterminding  Brexit and then as chief advisor doing COVID.

2:05:39

What is it that you now understand about how  history is written?

2:05:39

When you were looking back at previous periods, how do you think about  what is written versus what actually happened?

2:05:49

Knowing how your time has been described  in the press and in contemporary accounts.

2:05:57

Close to 100% of the things written about  me, what I was trying to do, what I thought, what I said, what I wanted to do, what I  actually did, is complete garbage.

2:06:03

So it obviously affects how you see everything else.

2:06:09

It can't have any other effect.

2:06:09

It was true in the Department of Education.

2:06:16

It was true in the  referendum itself.

2:06:16

It was true in Number 10.

2:06:22

It definitely makes me much more skeptical about  all kinds of details.

2:06:22

I think whenever you read history, it definitely makes me think all the  time.

2:06:32

“Yeah, but that might easily be wrong.

2:06:32

And what else was actually happening behind the scenes  also?

2:06:40

” Also just like, how much is lost to it.

2:06:45

If I think about my own time in doing the  referendum or Number 10, close to 100% of the reality of conversations and motivations and  calculations is basically lost. It’s history.

2:06:51

None of it is really recorded anywhere.

2:06:59

I mean, there  might be some sketchy WhatsApp conversations here and there.

2:07:04

The odd person keeps a diary, which  can be useful for sure, but it was pretty rare, certainly amongst top people.

2:07:14

Even if  they keep it, I think they destroy.

2:07:20

Especially in this age where so much is recorded  even if you don't try to.

2:07:20

Whereas if you look back at Bismarck's time, there's not any  emails and so forth that you can dig up.

2:07:31

Yeah, but it's a bit of paradoxical though  because those guys were all constantly sending letters to each other and a lot of  those letters do end up surviving because they are just filed in some paper archive  somewhere and then 60 years later there's a war and people get their hands on them.

2:07:44

For  us, though, how much of key people's WhatsApps between Jared and Trump or me and Boris,  or all these sorts of things, how much of that digital archive actually will be saved and  accessible is arguably less than in the old days.

2:08:04

You were giving a talk or participating in a panel  at the Orwell Festival of Political Writing about Bismarck, and you had a quote there that I thought  was so interesting and I want you to explain it.

2:08:15

Bismarck's partly a story of how intelligence  tries very hard to escape all constraints, and all attempts by less intelligent  people to force higher intelligence to align with certain goals and values are  at best highly uncertain and dangerous.

2:08:29

What did you mean by that?

2:08:30

So it was prompted by studying Bismarck at the  same time as having a lot of conversations with people about the whole AI alignment problem  and whatnot.

2:08:36

And it just occurred to me one day that it's an interesting exercise  to consider Bismarck's career through the prism of the AI alignment arguments.

2:08:48

So  here are all the safety features that we're going to try and create.

2:08:54

We can constrain  it in this way, we can constrain it in that way.

2:08:58

If all else fails, we can try  and kill it. Can we switch it off? Etc.

2:09:04

But if you look at his career, you basically see  the AI alignment problem actually just living.

2:09:12

You see something that's much more able than its  competitors and it defines success fundamentally as expansion of its own power, which also  means its own freedom of maneuver.

2:09:20

And it treats all attempts to align its goals with  broader goals as enemy action to be destroyed.

2:09:35

And it's highly effective at preemptively  destroying them.

2:09:35

People try and send the intelligence services to close it down, it  ends up taking over intelligence services and using them to blackmail its opponents  and forcing them into suicide and exile.

2:09:50

At every stage, every attempt to create safety  features is defeated.

2:09:50

And the ultimate thing is to just switch it off.

2:10:00

As people start writing  letters all across Europe essentially saying, “Switch it off. Just switch it  off.

2:10:04

” But they can't switch it off.

2:10:06

It kind of works at the end, right?

2:10:08

Well, it's human, so it gets really old.

2:10:11

But who was the Kaiser that kicked him out?

2:10:13

And in the end the Kaiser says “I think I can do  without you.

2:10:13

” The Kaiser was wrong, of course, and everything immediately started going downhill  for Germany thereafter.

2:10:18

And in some weird ways, also parallel to the AI argument, a lot of the  key people around Europe started sort of wistfully saying, “Well, you know, it was a nightmare  to deal with this terrible, superhuman AI, but it wasn't a pirate. It wasn't insane.

2:10:38

You  could at least negotiate surrender.

2:10:38

It wasn't just a berserk pirate.

2:10:47

” Some of them almost felt  nostalgic for its rationality after it had gone.

2:10:57

Another analogy here is it set up all  these things that nobody understands, these systems of alliances and relationships in  Europe.

2:11:03

And you can imagine, like an AI advisor, and you're not sure what's going on, but  it's making, I don't know, maybe it's like a hedge fund manager that's AI and it's like  making a lot of money.

2:11:11

And then you're like, but I don't trust it.

2:11:15

I'm going to shut it off.

2:11:15

And then a few years later, there's like a huge financial collapse because it was doing something  you didn't realize that was super important. You shut it off.

2:11:23

You didn't understand what it  was doing that was super important. You shut it off.

2:11:25

Suddenly all the shit that it tried  to do goes to shit.

2:11:25

And you have World War I.

2:11:29

Your interpretability program that’s  running it doesn't really work.

2:11:29

It can't really explain to you why it's  doing these things.

2:11:36

And then you think, “Oh, well, it all looks a bit murky,  I'll close it down.

2:11:41

” And then you find out that actually the structure  that it built was super valuable.

2:11:47

Yeah, that's such a great analogy.

2:11:48

Why is there not a definitive  biography of Bismarck out there?

2:11:52

Well, I would say there is really.

2:11:52

There's  a [three volume one by a guy called Oto Pflanze](https://www. amazon. com/s?

2:11:57

k=Otto+Pflanze+Bismarck) done in the 80sm, I think.

2:11:59

Not very  well known, but it's by far the best. Okay, big picture.

2:12:03

What is the cause  of Britain no longer being the global superpower it once was? Is it decolonization? Post war socialism? Is it the war itself?

2:12:17

The productivity stuff started happening  after 2005, but people have been talking about England declining for a long time.

2:12:21

What is the big picture cause of that?

2:12:25

Well, the most important thing, obviously, is World War I.

2:12:27

At the end of that the naval  dominance was gone.

2:12:27

Huge financial reserves poured into the mud of the trenches.

2:12:36

I  mean, Europe's never recovered from it, never mind just Britain.

2:12:46

So I think that  was the single biggest element to it. Yeah.

2:12:54

Wasn't it like one in  eight British men between the ages of 20 and 40 died.

2:12:58

Or it  was maybe even higher than that.

2:13:01

The years afterwards saw the biggest  transfer of property in Britain in basically 500 years since Henry VI  separated us from the Catholic Church, the dissolution of the monasteries, and  that huge shift in the 16th century.

2:13:19

Immediately after World War I there  was a similar kind of epic shift.

2:13:19

As a consequence of the scale of death.

2:13:23

And  also, you also see that echoed in [the blogs](https://dominiccummings. substack.

2:13:29

com/p/people-ideas-machines-vi-the-war)  I did on Alan Brookes diaries through World War II.

2:13:31

And it's interesting  he keeps referring back to it as well, when he's constantly bemoaning another military disaster  and why the British army is not working so well.

2:13:41

His answer is, “Well, of course, like a whole  generation of great leaders was destroyed.

2:13:41

” I'm curious why the opposite thing isn't more  common, where you have all these generals who have seen World War I, maybe they're better  at fighting World War II as a result?

2:13:49

I mean, Hitler was a World War I officer.

2:13:54

The World War II generation did seem special.

2:13:59

Did the World War I  experience help them in any way?

2:14:03

I don't know, and I'm not an expert  but it's striking that the view of contemporaries was that lots of  the best young people were killed, and that's why now a lot of the  senior echelons are not up to the job.

2:14:16

One thing you've emphasized a lot over your  writing and throughout your entire career is the need for basic research as a way to  move England forward and maybe move the west forward.

2:14:26

But when you look at England's  GDP per capita, it's far behind the US.

2:14:26

And one thing I was wondering about is maybe  it makes sense for the US to be doing a lot of basic research to expand the frontier.

2:14:35

But  Britain doesn't even seem to be on the frontier.

2:14:42

If it's just about economic growth, at this  point shouldn't it just be copying the things that already work in the US instead of doing a  whole bunch of basic research and hoping in like 20 years or something, it contributes  to productivity growth or something.

2:14:53

The answer is not as simple.

2:14:53

Britain needs to do  a whole bunch of things.

2:14:53

Some of it is frontier research, but that's only part of it.

2:14:59

Part of the  reason for that also is not just economic growth, but also security and national independence,  etc.

2:15:05

How much of Europe in 20 years time is actually going to have meaningfully  independent capabilities in lots of areas and how much of its choice will only  be — do we buy American or do we buy Chinese?

2:15:23

If Britain wants to have its own choices,  then it's going to have to build things.

2:15:27

The science and technology staff  is important for us to develop, but not just for economic reasons.

2:15:31

But it's also  very, very far from a magic bullet.

2:15:31

There's a whole bunch of stuff that we have to do and  that we started work on in 2020.

2:15:38

The zoning laws are a crucial part of it.

2:15:43

The whole ecosystem  around startups.

2:15:43

The applications of the research, that whole ecosystem is a nightmare in all  sorts of ways and it's one of the reasons why constantly great startups here end up selling  out early to American companies.

2:15:57

All of that needs dealing with.

2:16:06

There's just massive regulation  of area after area after area, which throttles growth.

2:16:13

The whole housing market is a complete  shit show.

2:16:13

I mean, everywhere you look is bad.

2:16:22

Given that most attempts at finding NIMBY and  red tape and over regulation have failed.

2:16:22

Even the one you attempted to fix planning, aka Zoning  in the UK, when you were chief advisor.

2:16:26

What is the correct strategy to fighting NIMBY?

2:16:33

Because it  just seems like really hard to fight it head on.

2:16:42

I think a lot of people look for  a magic bullet of communication whereby we come up with some equivalent  of take back control, but for planning, and then we persuade everyone and the public  will shift and start cheering house building.

2:16:56

I don't think that's realistic and  I don't think that's the answer.

2:17:00

In fact, in 2020, we did actually make  some changes to the planning laws, but I think it's instructive how we did it.

2:17:04

We didn't talk about it at all.

2:17:04

I actually basically had a communications blackout on the  whole thing and that’s because talking about it is extremely hard to do, even if you're very  good at communications.

2:17:15

So it was completely pointless trying to do it with that Number 10 and  that Prime Minister and that Conservative party.

2:17:26

So my approach to it then was just do it, don't  talk about it, and talk about other things.

2:17:26

And so we did actually manage to get various things  done then, but without most people even noticing.

2:17:37

I think overall, though, if you're  really trying to do at a big scale, the actual answer is that you just do it.

2:17:42

You focus public communications largely on other things.

2:17:48

When people actually see  the effects of it with growth and houses they can afford and businesses starting and  growing and thriving local areas and whatnot, then you can point to that.

2:18:02

But you're not  doing it in a theoretical way.

2:18:02

It's not politicians promising things.

2:18:06

It's being able  to point to real change in their areas and say, “Look at what's happened.

2:18:12

Now, do you want to go  back?

2:18:12

Do you want the people who don't like this to take over? ” You see what I mean?

2:18:17

I think the  idea of coming up with some kind of agenda on it and then trying to persuade the public about mass  deregulation and mass housing is a fool's errand.

2:18:29

Let's talk about education for a bit.

2:18:29

You  mentioned earlier that that's one of the things you're working on now.

2:18:32

But also you have  a big history here.

2:18:32

You were at the Ministry of Education, and while there you wrote a  very interesting report on an [Odysseyan education](https://dominiccummings. files. wordpress.

2:18:46

com/2013/11/20130825-some-thoughts-on-education-and-political-priorities-version-2-final.

2:18:46

pdf) and this was one of the quotes from that  that I thought was pretty compelling.

2:18:50

“We need leaders with an understanding  of Thucydides and statistical modelling, who have read The Brothers Karamazov and The Quark  and the Jaguar, who can feel Kipling’s Kim and succeed in Tetlock’s Good Judgement Project.

2:19:00

An Odyssean education would focus on humans’ biggest and most important problems and explain  connections between them to train synthesisers.

2:19:05

” This is a very interesting idea.

2:19:12

Do you want to explain a bit about what the idea behind the Odysseyan education was?

2:19:18

Politics is the hardest thing.

2:19:18

It's the most  complicated.

2:19:18

There's a reason why it's just constant failures.

2:19:23

It’s much harder than the  hardest startup.

2:19:23

The people who can do well at the top level are able to look at lots of different  things and have some kind of sense for them.

2:19:40

Generally speaking, the people who are doing it  have done history degrees or politics, philosophy, economics degrees at Oxford type stuff.

2:19:48

And  then they've gone into the world of politics and government.

2:19:53

And it's just an incredibly narrow  way of looking at the world.

2:19:53

There's huge skills that you don't have.

2:20:00

Intellectual skills you don't  have.

2:20:00

Practical skills you don't have.

2:20:00

You don't understand how things actually get done.

2:20:06

You don't  understand how regulation actually has its effect, because you don't see at the coalface what it's  like starting a business or scaling a business.

2:20:21

My view is much stronger, having been in Number  10.

2:20:21

That what I wrote ten years ago was correct, that especially having gone through COVID and  the horrors around that.

2:20:30

The way to deal with that is to have different kinds of people with  different kinds of skills.

2:20:36

But you also need some people who can look across multiple domains  at the same time.

2:20:42

So I think it's not a surprise, for example, that one of the most useful people  in COVID was someone who'd done a Physics PhD, was now working in AI, but had also built a  business and had worked with that business in Whitehall.

2:21:02

So they could see and understand a lot  of the difficult science around COVID.

2:21:02

They knew what it's like actually running a business.

2:21:13

They understood the interface between the business world and the government.

2:21:18

They were  familiar with all of those different worlds, and that meant that they were much better  able at looking at the overall problems than the average MP, the average senior  official, the average special advisor, etc.

2:21:34

Is this ability to synthesize across fields  something you can actually train in something analogous to Plato's academy?

2:21:39

Or is this  just that you have to hire people who have it?

2:21:43

The reason I ask is: One thing  I was thinking while reading this, you have a lot of famous examples in history of  scientists and mathematicians.

2:21:47

There's scientists who understand very complicated things, but they  don't understand the very basic insight in Hayek's knowledge problem and they are socialists.

2:21:59

Or  they don't understand the basic game theory, and they're pacifists.

2:22:03

They can  understand complicated things, but having that sort of ability to  transfer between — I understand power laws, therefore I understand the power of scaling in  AI or, I understand exponentials, therefore I understand how bad a pandemic could be.

2:22:17

That's  like an additional thing that's hard to train.

2:22:23

It totally depends on temperament and  personality.

2:22:23

Two of the most interesting intellectual people, 20th century are [John von Neumann](https://en. wikipedia.

2:22:31

org/wiki/John_von_Neumann)  and [Kurt Gödel](https://en. wikipedia.

2:22:32

org/wiki/Kurt_G%C3%B6del),  who are both friends, fled Europe because of the Nazis and ended up in Princeton.

2:22:35

Both  extraordinary minds.

2:22:35

Both did things of stunning originality.

2:22:43

Von Neumann was completely at home  in the world of Washington and could also go and deal with bureaucrats and navigate the corridors  of the White House.

2:22:49

He could give presentations to politicians and understood — Let's have a pre  meeting about this in order to make sure that so and so understands that.

2:23:00

And so then the question  is presented to the president in the right order so that this guy doesn't say that before this  person says that, etc.

2:23:04

All the kind of political skills you need to actually get something done  and avoid your meeting turning into a shit show.

2:23:14

Kurt Gödel is like the exact opposite.

2:23:14

If you're going to put people on a graph, Kurt Girdle would be like the exact opposite  end of that.

2:23:18

Famously totally useless in every practical way, a menace to himself.

2:23:23

So, yes you  want people with great intellectual ability, but as you say, some of those  people can be highly functional in a political environment and some  of them are completely catastrophic.

2:23:38

Yeah, but it seems like I don't know  how you train a John von Neumann, because then he also assisted the US in  thinking about Cold War game theory and things like that.

2:23:46

Whereas is it  just easier to hire those people?

2:23:50

Actually, maybe a different  way to ask this question is, does the UK train these technical people  who can synthesize across fields but it’s just that they're trained in the UK, but  they go to the private sector or emigrate?

2:24:05

Or is it just that the UK doesn't train  them to the same extent as the US does?

2:24:11

I think elite universities now definitely  don't train this sort of thing.

2:24:11

The way that I think about it is this.

2:24:16

It's easy  to imagine creating new courses for 17 to 23 year olds where they do a much  broader mix of intellectual subjects, where they study a broader mix of intellectual  subjects.

2:24:30

They read some Thucydides but they also understand some basics about statistics  and Tetlock type stuff.

2:24:35

But also, instead of them just sort of going off on summer holidays and  wasting time, they also go off and work at SpaceX or some kind of startup or with the military, or  in a hospital ward, ER room.

2:24:49

And they're moving between these worlds of the theoretical  and the intensely practical constantly.

2:25:02

Now, that won't be to everyone's temperament.

2:25:02

Some people have a temperament where they find that interesting and they'll get a lot of  value out of it. A lot of people won't.

2:25:07

So you have to think of it in multiple legs.

2:25:11

So one thing is to create those courses and that will find you a set of people.

2:25:15

But  there's another set of people, let's say [Tim Gowers](https://en. wikipedia.

2:25:23

org/wiki/Timothy_Gowers), Field’s medalist and mathematician at Cambridge.

2:25:24

He's gone through one whole thing now.

2:25:29

Are you going to send him off on some course? No.

2:25:29

But could people like that be brought into government to help in all sorts of ways? Yes.

2:25:35

If they spent time working in government on some practical problems, would they develop  a much better understanding of how government actually works and therefore be able to come  up with new insights about things? Of course they will.

2:25:53

I don't mean they all will, because  some of them would be like, “Good, all right, and just be completely hopeless in that  environment” and it would be unfair on everyone and them to involve them in it.

2:26:00

But Tim  Gowers would be a good example of someone who personally could cope with the environment  and I think would bring great value to.

2:26:13

I don't think there's just one thing.

2:26:13

What we  need is multiple experiments with different pathways.

2:26:19

Some of it is bringing in older,  established, elite talent and then mixing them up in the system.

2:26:24

Some of it is training  younger, elite talent differently.

2:26:24

But there's no magic bullet to it.

2:26:30

You have to try a bunch  of things at the same time.

2:26:30

Some people will respond very well to an odd mix of theoretical  intellectual pursuits and intensely practical things.

2:26:44

And that is definitely something worth  trying to train and definitely can be trained.

2:26:48

How does PPE (Politics, Philosophy,  Economics) fuck up the people who go through it?

2:26:54

Because basically, almost  every Prime Minister has gone through it, and even US presidents?

2:26:59

Clinton was a  Rhodes Scholar and he went through it.

2:27:04

What is the way of thinking that it  instills that you find problematic?

2:27:07

I think it encourages this whole kind of  wordcel bluffing.

2:27:07

That everything just becomes that you spend a week, you skim  through a few books, you come up with some vaguely plausible stuff, and if you seem  with good manners and a bit of social polish, then suddenly it all seems plausible.

2:27:28

And  you're all surrounded by people who operate in exactly the same way.

2:27:33

So you have a room full  of polished social wordcels.

2:27:33

It's a very bad set of people to throw at a problem like COVID at  them.

2:27:44

And also it encourages them to think that the plausible sounding few sentences to get  through this conversation is actually what's important rather than— What's the truth?

2:27:59

What's  the actual answer to the problem?

2:27:59

How are you actually going to implement this over many years?

2:28:04

Everything like that is completely disdained.

2:28:11

It points to a general problem with our  system.

2:28:11

One of the most important things is that everything to do with operations  and management and actually getting things done is like the lowest status thing in  Whitehall.

2:28:26

The highest status thing is A) bullshit about “political strategy” and  media and giving interviews.

2:28:33

Everyone wants the word Strategy in their job title,  and it's practically always bullshit.

2:28:44

It shouldn't be in the job title, and the  job will be improved by removing the word from their job title.

2:28:47

And nobody wants to be  on logistics, operations, and actually making sure that something happens.

2:28:55

And that's at the  core of why so many things work the way they do.

2:29:03

And you can even just see it in the whole  policy process.

2:29:03

The high status thing is writing the policy and then spinning it to  the media.

2:29:08

The totally low status thing is what are the actual implementation details?

2:29:14

Has someone already tried to do this in eight different countries in the last four  years and each time it's been a disaster? No one cares about that.

2:29:23

That's left to  much lower status jobs and none of the senior people will pay attention to it and  they're actually just formally separated.

2:29:33

So one of the things that we did in 2020  was we said that one of the ways in which the Number 10 system should change is the  policy people should be brought together and actually physically sit with the management  people, which is completely revolutionary idea, because that way when you're thinking up the  ideas in the first place, you're immediately from the beginning talking to the people  whose job it is ask “Will this actually work?

2:29:53

” Rather than what happens now is that these  people sit around, they go to bullshit seminars, they talk to journalists, they talk to MPs,  they publish a paper.

2:30:02

It's actually full of holes. It doesn't work.

2:30:07

That paper then  goes off to the implementation people, the policy people then move on to whatever  their next thing is.

2:30:12

The management, implementation people look at it and go, “Well,  this is not going to work for all the following reasons.

2:30:18

” But it's their job to make it work.

2:30:18

They then have to go back and then start arguing.

2:30:23

“But we already decided that we were  going to do this like nine months ago.

2:30:23

” “Yeah, but it can't work.

2:30:26

” So our idea was if you put them together, then you actually find out on day one  or day four.

2:30:31

— “Oh, actually, this is a stupid idea and it won't work for the following  reasons.

2:30:35

We have to do it this way instead.

2:30:35

” No one cares about that.

2:30:39

It goes back to, what do people care about?

2:30:40

No one  actually cares if it doesn't work.

2:30:44

Yeah, the debug loop is broken.

2:30:44

It's  like you're debugging a program, but you can only do it a month after  you write the program or something. Yeah, exactly.

2:30:51

Imagine if you could only debug the program like 18 months  after you wrote the program.

2:30:54

What do effective altruist and rationalist  types get most wrong about politics?

2:31:00

They don't understand how low the caliber  of the people are in politics.

2:31:00

They don't understand the fundamental golden rule,  which is that the people in politics are almost never actually trying to solve the  problem and don't care about solving the problem.

2:31:14

I have constant conversations  with E/R types where they think that the political people they're going to talk  to really care about solving Problem X, which is fundamentally incorrect.

2:31:24

So it's not  surprising that a lot of their plans go wrong.

2:31:31

I think that they are also susceptible to the  idea that elites are more rational and the voters are more dumb and easily manipulated by emotions,  whereas in fact, the truth is the exact opposite.

2:31:44

In my opinion, educated elites are by far the  easiest to manipulate with emotional propaganda, and the voters are much tougher to fool.

2:31:54

The  rationalists think it's the other way around.

2:31:59

Conventionally, you are seen as, or thought of as  combative.

2:31:59

I mean, in this interview you've been very polite and pleasant, but does the  fact that you're seen as combative, does that help you maybe get your way when you're  in government or something? And is it calculated? It's not calculated.

2:32:15

I don't know if combative  is the right word.

2:32:15

I think the fact that people inside the system know that I actually do have  priorities and I do actually care about them and I don't care what the media says, and I  have an extremely high tolerance for everyone going crazy in order to actually get what I  want definitely, obviously, has an effect, because people will think, “Well, maybe we should  do a deal with him.

2:32:43

He cares a lot about blah, maybe we should just let him do blah  and see if we can persuade him.

2:32:48

” We'll help you with this, and maybe  you could help us with something else.

2:32:58

Having priorities, actual priorities, is  incredibly rare in politics.

2:32:58

Almost no MPs have them all.

2:33:04

Practically by definition.

2:33:04

Not worrying what the media says and not worrying about everyone hating you, I  think, is a very powerful advantage.

2:33:18

All the way through the referendum  and all the way through Number 10, the insiders constantly said — These people  are just completely crazy.

2:33:20

They don't know what they're doing.

2:33:24

It's all going to fall down on  their heads.

2:33:24

That definitely was an advantage because it just means that they constantly fooled  themselves and undermined what they were doing.

2:33:36

And they didn't learn from 2016.

2:33:36

The mistakes they  made in 2016, they just totally repeated in 2019.

2:33:41

And in a system where people don't have  priorities, don't actually care about policy, somebody who does has got to seem  strange to them in their world. Okay, final question.

2:33:50

What does pessimism of the  intellect and optimism of the will mean to you?

2:33:58

If you look at history, then you have to expect  that what happens to everyone else is likely to happen to us, i. e. disaster.

2:34:03

But that's  not a reason for giving up.

2:34:03

You have to try, even though you don't think it's going to work.

2:34:12

Dominic, this is a huge pleasure.

2:34:12

I honestly  learned so much.

2:34:12

You really can't get this anywhere else.

2:34:16

Having somebody who is as  thoughtful as you inside the government, so that you can have both a sort of higher  level intellectual picture, but also the level of detail and knowledge of what actually  happened and the strategy and information of it.

2:34:30

I couldn't get it from any other interviewee.

2:34:30

So  this is a huge pleasure. I really enjoyed this. Thank you so much. I really enjoyed it.